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The Rudolf Steiner Archive

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History of the Middle Ages
GA 51

13 December 1904, Berlin

Translator Unknown

VII. France and Germany

A week ago, we studied the contrast between what is today France, on the one hand, and Austria and Germany on the other, as it had developed in the 8th, 9th and 10th centuries.

We saw that the Western Empire was distinguished by the traces left of the old Roman culture; and that the Church had soon acquired authority by itself becoming the owner of large tracts of land. So it came to a struggle between the secular nobility and the ambitious Church. The Church had been endowed, especially by Charlemagne, with immense stretches of landed property, so that it became the confederate of the secular rulers, because it was brought into feudal relationships both with those beneath and those above it.

Those who were defeated had come into feudal relationship with the conquerors; the nobles developed into vassals of the king, and thus the kingdom grew stronger and stronger. The Western Empire was continually concerned with the opposition between the vassals and the Church. It was different in the Eastern Empire. Here the old feelings of independence, the sentiment of freedom still persisted, so that the tribal dukes would not consent to enter into a situation of dependence. Thus the 9th, 10th and 11th centuries were filled with continual efforts of the so-called kings—who were indeed elected, but actually were only kings to their own tribes—to bring the dukes of the other tribes into dependence on themselves.

History tells of many struggles of this kind. The Carlovingians were succeeded, after the Frankish Conrad, by a Saxon dynasty, and much is told of the deeds of Henry I, Otto I, II & III and Henry II, as well as of the subsequent Frankish kings, Conrad II and Henry III, IV &V. These kings who, in the Eastern Empire, were elected, had, nevertheless, no say in the constitution or legislation of the tribes. Thus, it is much more important to know what the empire actually signified at that time, than to form an accurate picture of the individual battles.

There were very large dukedoms, which had arisen in the way described. During the original migrations into these regions, some individuals had acquired large properties, and had become more and more powerful; smaller owners became dependent on them, and were obliged to surrender their property as fiefs, and then to pay tribute.

Thus, the tribal dukes gradually absorbed the small properties, and by giving others some part of their large property on feudal tenure, secured for themselves the right to have a recognised number of fighting men at their disposal, and to paid a definite sum.

Thus, through the absorption of the smaller properties by the greater, the Saxon, Frankish, Swabian, Bavarian and other dukedoms came into existence. Gradually, too, the jurisdiction of the cantonal law court was transferred to the so-called high court of justice, which had been thrust upon the vassals and peasants by the dukes. The Church, according to its regulations, must exercise its jurisdiction through provosts. Even the king was nothing but a large landowner. He had vassals, fighting men whom he had forced into his service; moreover he had acquired demesnes, and with them he had established his authority in various places. The relationship of the duke to the king was also only that of a vassal, because he paid a fixed tribute to the court. Jurisdiction was a ducal concern. Only in the frontier region against the Magyars, Wends and Danes, was jurisdiction exercised by the margraves and counts-palatine. There were no large States with central administration and uniform armies. Hence arose the eternal wars of kings against rebellious dukes who did not wish to furnish tribute. Then it gradually became necessary for the Church to make a move.

It was consistent with piety to insist upon the Church paying its dues to the king. It was Otto I, in particular who in all piety, in all ecclesiastical orthodoxy, obliged the Church to render this tribute. The bishops were compelled to do as other vassals did. Church property was divided into two parts, of which one was tilled by the serfs for the bishops, on whom they became completely dependent. Another district remained in less definite relationship; there the peasants had to attend to the fields for the king, in the name of the bishop.

Because of new enemies, the emperors saw themselves forced into a closer relationship with the Church. Powerful enemies threatened Central Europe. The Normans gave up their incursions, after having again and again harassed the tribes, and eventually been conquered by Arnulf of Carinthia at the battle of Tours. They had acquired Brittany for themselves.

Then, from the east, Finnish-Ugrian tribes made inroads, and the invasions of these Magyars caused indescribable terror. Old accounts tell of the horrible brutality of their victorious campaign. The merit of having driven them back is generally ascribed to Henry I and Otto I. To a certain extent this is correct. But the incursions of the Magyars were not to be compared with the declaration and conduct of later wars.

The Magyars invaded at a moment when the dukes were specially rebellious, and Henry I had to begin by asking for a truce in order to create for himself at least some kind of united army. This closing of the ranks was only affected in the department of military affairs, by urgent need.

We have seen how jurisdiction gradually passed over to the land owners, the dukes and kings. Increasingly undignified relationships were formed. A number of people, who had formerly been free peasants had to surrender all they possessed, to come under the sway of the large landowners. Then they were employed not only in agriculture, but as messengers, craftsmen, and on military service. A kind of trade was growing up, especially as a result of the enhanced productivity of the soil, which was constantly increasing, thanks to the employment of so many workmen. At the same time, a definite class of artisans was developing. Hitherto there had been nothing of the kind. As already mentioned, the necessary work in the house was attended to by slaves and women. The only handicrafts had been those of the smith and the goldsmith. But now, through these developments, a new class of artisans and tradesmen was being formed. In places where there were suitable markets, fortified settlements were established all over Europe. Hither came the discontented among those who were unfairly treated, so that the congestion became greater and greater. This trait of the time forced the king to rely on the cities for support.

Calvary was needed against the Magyar horsemen. This cavalry formed the basis of the class of knights which arose during this period. All these must be combined together to obtain a true picture of the course things were taking at that time. This is more important than a detailed appreciation of those battles.

In the fighting on the marshes in 933, among the copper mines in 955, the Magyars were defeated, and suffered such terrible discomfiture that their appetite for more invasions really failed. They founded an empire for themselves in the vicinity of the Danube, in what is today Hungary. At that time the emperors were obliged to rely on the Church; Christianity was politically exploited. The Magyars were converted to Christianity especially by the bishopric of Passau. TO understand what was passing in the souls of men in those days, we must not reckon with later conceptions. There dwelt in the hearts of the people an intensive faith, religious feeling enhanced to sentimental enthusiasm. They listened to the clergy in all matters and were content to be led by them in all their concerns. The dukes and kings favoured this kind of servility. From Charlemagne onward, they had depended on this lordship over souls.

Thus, the clergy became the best and strongest counsellors, and crept into the hearts and souls of the people.

Moreover, it happened that at that time a very strong influence was exercised through the Arabs, not only, as described above, from scientific sources, there were also literary influences, which gave the soul of the Middle Ages a new character. A great accumulation of sagas, fairy tales, legends, sentiments and pictures were implanted in the folk-soul; and this soul-influence transmitted from the East to Europe, was so intensive that we see the originally rough soul of the Germanic peoples assuming milder manners. Moreover their piety became permeated by an element of great importance, namely, the cult of the Virgin Mary, and the altered position of women which arose from it. He who does not appreciate this, knows nothing of the history of the Middle Ages. He shuts his eyes to such facts as that the great mass of the people were often seized with epidemic fear. Fear of this king seized the people about the year 1000 (during the reign of the Emperor Otto III. 983–1002), which was to bring about the end of the world. This great event, to be prepared for by penitential exercises and pilgrimages, stirred the whole of Germany. The Emperor Otto III himself undertook a pilgrimage to the tomb of St. Adelbert of Prussia. All this resulted from the folk-soul of the time. He who does not understand this, fails also to understand the rise of the later Crusades. Here also material causes have been sought for the movement, but he who sees it in that light only, is talking beside the point.

The secularism of the bishops and abbots could not remain without reaction, without opposition, and so we can understand the strong movement towards reform which emanated from Cluny. The influence of the Cluniacs was immensely powerful; that it was possible to enforce the “Truce of God” was proof of this.

At a time when there was nowhere a uniformly governed empire, we can estimate what it meant for the endeavours of the Cluny monks to succeed in so limiting the law of might for some days of the week—from Friday to Monday—that during this interval no feuds were fought out. It must be remembered that, at that time, there was still no proper administration of justice; the law of might had full sway. The harsh struggle between the German emperors and the popes was carried out, not merely from selfish interests, but also, on the part of the Church, from fanaticism. The pope felt himself to be the representative of Christ, as well as lord of the secular domain—as if the empire of Christ gave him also secular authority.

Pope Gregory VII, who forced the Emperor Henry IV to the Canoses submission, was originally a Cluny monk, and had acquired his fanaticism there. It was a tendency of the papacy to declare: Just as there are two rulers in the solar system—the Sun and the Moon—so also in human life; the Pope is the Sun, the King is the Moon, receiving his light only from the Church. This opinion found acceptance and was recognised as legitimate even by the great poet Dante, who, in connection with the allocation of authority, characterised the supremacy of the clerical over the secular powers as right and proper. Now, this contest between emperor and pope had reached such dimensions, because in the meanwhile a certain unifying process had been going on. The different dukedoms had been soldered together by external authority. The dukes now saw themselves obliged to render military service and definite tribute to the emperor. All the following countries: Italy, Burgundy, Lorraine, France, Austria and Hungary, Saxony and Poland stood, for a time, in feudal relationship to the German crown.

Thus in the 11th century a certain unity had been established. This increased the power of the Church. At the death of Henty III, it was not secular princes who were appointed guardians of the young king, but the Archbishops, Hanno of Cologne, and later, Adalbert of Bremen.

The permeation of the folk-soul with religious sentiment had led to a blind belief in authority. Now Rome's chance had come. A clever policy was introduced from Rome. The clergy must be detached from all secular interests, so as to have only the one thing before their eyes: preaching and the control of the people. For this purpose, the clergymen must be made completely independent. Thus in the 11th century, celibacy of the clergy became involved with the world through self-chosen blood-ties, would lose his independence and be unable to give such untrammeled service.

This gave the clergy and the popes a tendency towards the development of an inflexible will: only one thing before their eyes—the authority of the Church. So it came about that, with the possession of the bishoprics, the Church could demand a say in the government. Formerly, secular princes had possession of every bishopric which was vacant. Now the decision was to depend on spiritual interests alone; and authority was enhanced, because all appointments were in the hands of the Church. From this arose the quarrel about Investiture, to which Henry IV would not consent, and which led to his submission at Canossa.

All this was comprised in the contest between secular and spiritual power. We saw, in the case of Clovis, that the God of the Christians was his God, because he led the armies to victory; and now we see how the Church itself is acquiring authority. This must be understood, if we are to grasp the new conditions which brought about the Crusades.

We have seen, in connection with the Franks, what had become of the tribes that had been forced from their dwellings by the folk migrations. We saw how Christianity had become authoritative in all circumstances of life, how monasteries and bishoprics had become the central point of the new settlements, and that it was not in spiritual matters alone that the monks were the leaders of the people; they instructed them also in the cultivation of various fruits, were themselves the builders of the churches, and so on.

The cities were content to establish themselves around the bishoprics, and everywhere we see powerful influence of the Church.

We see the influence of the Moors entering into Science and Literature. Through the Crusades, we shall learn to know another influence of very great importance; it likewise came from the East. It was through these influences that the great inventions and discoveries were made. For over there in China and the East, many things were well-known of which the West had no idea: the manufacture of paper, silk-weaving, the use of gunpowder, etc. Thus, on these lines the first impulse was given to the great inventions.

So from two sides we have seen mighty impulses exercising their influence on mediaeval humanity. Keep this in mind together with the founding of the cities, and you will feel that a century was dawning which would give a powerful impetus to evolution. To follow this in the right way, it is not enough merely to absorb it into you understanding. No one really understands the events who tries to grasp them with his understanding only, and not with feeling, who cannot enter into the subtleties of the fold-soul and grasp what is carried on and accomplished within it. To him, the words of Faust apply:

"And what the spirit of the times men call,
Is merely their own spirit after all
Wherein, distorted oft, the times are glass's."

(Ana Swanwick's translation.)

Siebenter Vortrag

Vor acht Tagen habe ich Ihnen den Gegensatz entwickelt zwischen dem West- und dem Ostreich, zwischen dem, was heute Frankreich, und dem, was heute Deutschland und Österreich ist, wie es sich im 8., 9. und 10. Jahrhundert herausgebildet hatte.

Wir haben gesehen, daß sich die beiden Reiche dadurch unterschieden, daß im Westreiche die alte römische Kultur ihre Spuren hinterlassen hatte und die Kirche bald zu einer Herrschaft gelangte, indem sie selbst Großgrundbesitz erwarb. So kam es zum Kampf des Laienadels mit der aufstrebenden Kirche. Vor allem haben wir es zu tun mit einer anderen Art von Kirche. Sie war mit mächtigem Großgrundbesitz ausgestattet worden, vorzüglich durch Karl den Großen, so daß die Kirche zum Bundesgenossen der weltlichen Herrschaft wurde, weil sie in die feudalen Verhältnisse nach oben wie nach unten gebracht worden war.

Die Unterworfenen waren in ein Lehensverhältnis zu den Überwindern gekommen; die Adeligen entwickelten sich zu Lehensleuten der Könige, und so hatte sich das Königreich immer mehr ausgebildet. Fortwährend hatte das Westreich mit dem Gegensatz zwischen den Lehensleuten und der Kirche zu schaffen. Anders im Ostreich. Hier war das alte Unabhängigkeitsempfinden, das Freiheitsgefühl noch wach geblieben, so daß die Stammesherzöge sich durchaus nicht bequemen wollten, in ein Abhängigkeitsverhältnis zu treten. So ist das 9., 10. und 11. Jahrhundert damit ausgefüllt, daß die sogenannten Könige, die zwar gewählt, aber eigentlich nur ihrem Namen nach Könige waren, fortwährend damit zu tun hatten, die Stammesherzöge in ihre Abhängigkeit zu bringen.

Die Geschichte erzählt viel von solchen Kämpfen. Auf die Karolinger folgte nach dem Franken Konrad das sächsische Königshaus, und es wird viel von den Taten Heinrichs I., Ottos I., II. und II. und Heinrichs II. erzählt, sowie der darauffolgenden fränkischen Könige, Konrads II., Heinrichs IL, IV. und V. Diese Könige, die im Ostreich gewählt werden, hatten ja nicht irgendwie in die Verfassung, die Gesetzgebung der Stämme hineinzureden; auch keine Justizgewalt stand ihnen zur Verfügung. So ist es viel wichtiger, wenn man weiß, was eigentlich das Reich damals zu bedeuten hatte, als daß man sich von den einzelnen Kämpfen eine genaue Vorstellung bildet.

Vorhanden waren größere Herzogtümer. Sie sind entstanden auf die geschilderte Art. Bei der ursprünglichen Wanderung in diese Gegenden waren einzelne, die großen Grundbesitz erworben hatten, immer mächtiger geworden, kleinere Besitzer wurden von ihnen abhängig, mußten ihren Besitz als Lehen übergeben und dann Abgaben zahlen.

So hatten die Stammesherzöge allmählich den kleinen Besitz eingezogen und dadurch, daß sie von dem großen Grundbesitz anderen etwas zum Lehen gegeben, sich das Recht zugesichert, daß sie ihnen eine bestimmte Anzahl von Kriegsleuten zur Verfügung stellten, eine bestimmte Summe zu zahlen hatten.

So waren durch die Aufsaugung des kleineren Grundbesitzes durch den großen die Herzogtümer Sachsen, Franken, Schwaben, Bayern und so weiter entstanden. Allmählich ging auch die Gerichtsbarkeit von den Gaugerichten an die sogenannten Hofgerichte über, die die Herzöge ihren Lehensleuten und Bauern aufgedrängt hatten. Die Kirche mußte, ihren Vorschriften nach, ihre Gerichtsbarkeit durch Vögte ausüben lassen. Auch der König war nichts anderes als ein großer Grundbesitzer. Er hatte Vasallen, Heeresgefolge, das er in seine Botmäßigkeit gezwungen, ferner Domänengüter erworben und damit da und dort sich Herrschaftsverhältnisse begründet. Das Verhältnis des Herzogs zum König war auch nur das eines Vasallen, indem er bestimmte Abgaben an den Hof lieferte, bestimmte Erträgnisse der herumziehenden Hofhaltung zur Verfügung stellte. Gerichtsbarkeit war Herzogssache. Nur in den Grenzgebieten gegen die Magyaren, Wenden und Dänen zu wurde die Gerichtsbarkeit durch königliche Mark- und Pfalzgrafen ausgeübt. Große Staaten mit einheitlicher Verwaltung, einheitlichem Heere gab es nicht. Daher ewige Kriege der Könige gegen die unbotmäßigen Herzöge, welche nicht Abgaben leisten wollten. Da war es nötig geworden, daß allmählich die Kirche herangezogen wurde.

Es war vereinbar mit der Frömmigkeit, daß ihr Lasten für den König auferlegt wurden. Otto I. war es besonders, der bei aller Frömmigkeit, bei aller kirchlichen Gläubigkeit die Kirche nötigte, Abgaben zu leisten. Die Bistümer wurden gezwungen, sich in derselben Weise wie die anderen Lehensleute zu verhalten. Der kirchliche Besitz wurde in zwei Glieder geteilt, von denen ein Teil von Hörigen bebaut wurde für den Bischof, zu dem sie‘in völlige Abhängigkeit geraten waren. Ein anderes Gebiet blieb in loserem Verhältnis; dort mußten die Bauern im Namen des Bischofs für den Kaiser das Feld bestellen.

Immer mehr sahen sich die Kaiser durch neue Feinde genötigt, die Kirche zu einem engeren Verhältnis heranzuziehen. Mächtige Feinde bedrohten Mitteleuropa. Die Normannen hatten, nachdem sie immer wieder die Völker beunruhigten, nachdem sie von Arnulf von Kärnten in der Schlacht bei Löwen besiegt worden waren und sich die Bretagne erworben hatten, aufgehört mit ihren Einfällen. Dagegen brachen jetzt von Osten finnisch-ugrische Völkerschaften herein, die Magyaren, deren Einfälle einen unbeschreiblichen Schrecken verursachten. Alle Berichte erzählen von der entsetzlichen Brutalität ihrer Eroberungszüge. Das Verdienst, sie zurückgeschlagen zu haben, wird gewöhnlich Heinrich I. und Otto I. zugeschrieben. Es ist dies bis zu einem gewissen Grad richtig. Die Einfälle der Magyaren waren nicht etwas, was einer späteren Kriegsführung und Kriegserklärung ähnlich sehen konnte.

Als die Magyaren hereinbrachen, waren die Herzöge gerade besonders unbotmäßig, und Heinrich I. mußte sich deshalb erst einen Waffenstillstand erbitten, um sich ein wenigstens einigermaßen einheitliches Heer zu schaffen. Dieser Zusammenschluß wurde nur auf dem Gebiete des Heereswesens durch die dringende Not bewirkt.

Heinrich I. wird gewöhnlich als der Städtegründer gefeiert; es ist dies eine schiefe Darstellung. Damals begann die allgemeine Städtegründung über ganz Europa, und Heinrich I. folgte nur dem Zuge der Zeit, wenn er diese Bewegung unterstützte.

Wir haben gesehen, wie die Gerichtsbarkeit allmählich auf die Grundherren, die Herzöge und Könige überging. Immer unwürdigere Verhältnisse traten ein. Eine Menge Leute, welche früher freie Bauern waren, mußten alles, was sie hatten hingeben, um in die Botmäßigkeit der Großgrundbesitzer zu treten. Sie wurden dort, außer zum Ackerbau, als Boten, Handwerker und im Kriegsdienst verwendet.

Namentlich durch die gesteigerte Ertragsfähigkeit des Bodens, die durch die Verwendung dieser vielen Arbeitskräfte immer größer wurde, entstand eine Art von Handel. Zugleich bildete sich ein besonderer Handwerkerstand heran. Das gab es vorher gar nicht; wie schon erwähnt, wurden die notwendigen Arbeiten im Hause von Sklaven und Frauen besorgt. Höchstens das Schmiede- und das Goldschmiedehandwerk war vorhanden. Aber jetzt durch diese Art des Übertragens bildete sich ein neuer Stand von Handwerkern und Handelsleuten heran. An den Orten, wo geeignete Märkte waren, entstanden Ansiedelungen, feste Plätze wurden gegründet überall in ganz Europa. Hierzu kam die Unzufriedenheit der unwürdig behandelten Menschen, so daß der Andrang nur größer wurde. Dieser Zug der Zeit zwang den König, sich auf die Städte zu stützen.

Man brauchte ein Reiterheer gegen das Reitervolk der Magyaren. Dieses Reiterheer bildete den Grund für den Ritterstand, der damals entstand. Man muß alles dies zusammenfassen, um ein wirkliches Bild zu gewinnen, wie damals alles verlief. Dies ist wichtiger als die ausführliche Würdigung jener Kämpfe.

In den Schlachten auf dem Ried 933 und auf dem Lechfelde 955 wurden die Magyaren besiegt und erlitten eine so furchtbare Niederlage, daß ihnen tatsächlich die Lust zu weiteren Einfällen vergangen war. Sie gründeten sich in der Donaugegend im heutigen Ungarn ein Reich. Seitdem waren die Kaiser gezwungen, sich auf die Kirche zu stützen, das Christentum wurde politisch ausgenutzt. Die Magyaren wurden zum Christentum bekehrt, besonders von dem Bistum Passau aus. Will man verstehen, was damals in den Seelen entstand, muß man nicht mit späteren Begriffen rechnen. Es lebte ein intensiver Glaube, ein bis zur Schwärmerei gesteigertes religiöses Empfinden in dem Herzen des Volkes. Es hörte in allen Dingen auf die Geistlichen, von denen es sich in allen AngeJegenheiten leiten ließ. Die Herzöge und Könige unterstützten diese Art von Unterwürfigkeit. Von Karl dem Großen an hat man mit dieser Herrschaft über die Seele gerechnet. — So wurde der Klerus bester und stärkster Ratgeber und nistete sich in die Seelen und Herzen des Volkes ein.

Dazu kam, daß in der damaligen Zeit durch die Araber ein starker Einfluß stattfand, nicht nur, wie früher geschildert wurde, durch wissenschaftliche, sondern auch durch gewisse literarische Einflüsse, durch die ein neuer Seelenzug in das Mittelalter hineinkam. Ein großer Kreis von Sagen, Märchen Legenden, Gefühlen und Bildern wurde in die Volksseele verpflanzt, und dieser seelische Einfluß vom Orient nach Europa war ein so intensiver, daß wir sehen, wie die ursprüngliche rauhe Seele des Germanen mildere Gesittung annahm, und daß ihre Frömmigkeit durchtränkt wurde von einem Element von großer Bedeutung: das war der Marienkultus und der sich daraus entwickelnde Frauendienst. Wer das nicht würdigt, weiß gar nichts von der Geschichte des Mittelalters. Er verschließt die Augen vor Tatsachen wie der, daß große Volksmassen manchmal ergriffen wurden von epidemischer Furcht. Von einer solchen Furcht wurde das Volk ergriffen um das Jahr 1000 — während der Regierung Kaiser Ottos III. —, welches den Weltuntergang bringen sollte. Dieses große Ereignis, für das man sich durch Bußübungen und Wallfahrten vorbereiten wollte, erregte ganz Deutschland. Kaiser Otto III. selbst unternahm eine Wallfahrt zu dem Grabe des heiligen Adalbert von Preußen. All das ergab sich aus der damaligen Volksseele. Wer das nicht versteht, versteht auch nicht die Entstehung der späteren Kreuzzüge. Man hat auch hier materielle Beweggründe gesucht; aber der redet an der Sache vorbei, der sie nicht von dieser Seite betrachtet.

Die Verweltlichung der Bischöfe und Äbte konnte nicht ohne Reaktion, ohne Rückwirkung bleiben, und so verstehen wir, daß von Cluny eine mächtige Bewegung nach Reform ausgeht. Der Einfluß der Cluniazenser war ein ungeheuer großer; daß es möglich war, den Gottesfrieden durchzusetzen, ist ein Beweis dafür. In einer Zeit, wo nirgends ein einheitliches Reich vorhanden war, kann man ermessen, was es bedeutet, daß es den Bestrebungen der Mönche von Cluny gelang, das Faustrecht für einige Tage der Woche — von Freitag zum Montag — einzuschränken, so daß während dieser Zeit Fehden nicht ausgefochten wurden. Man muß nur bedenken, daß es damals eigentlich ein Recht nicht gab, sondern vollständiges Faustrecht herrschte. Der schroffe Kampf zwischen den deutschen Kaisern und den Päpsten wurde nicht bloß geführt aus selbstsüchtigen Interessen, sondern auch von Seite der Kirche aus Fanatismus. Der Papst fühlte sich als Stellvertreter Christi, als Herr auch der weltlichen Gebiete; als ob das Reich Christi auch die weltliche Herrschaft sein nenne.

Papst Gregor VIL, der den deutschen Kaiser Heinrich IV. zum Canossagang nötigte, war erst Mönch von Cluny, und ist von dort aus zu seinem Fanatismus gelangt. Es wurde Tendenz des Papsttums zu erklären: so wie es zwei Regierende gibt im Sonnensystem, die Sonne und den Mond, so auch im menschlichen Leben; der Papst sei die Sonne, der König der Mond, der erst von der Kirche sein Licht empfängt. Diese Gesinnung fand Eingang und ist auch von dem großen Dichter Dante als gerecht anerkannt, der bei der Verteilung der Gewalt die Übergewalt der geistlichen über die weltliche Macht als recht und billig bezeichnet. Nun war dieser Kampf zwischen Kaiser und Papst deshalb ein so mächtiger geworden, weil inzwischen ein gewisser Einigungsprozeß sich vollzogen hatte. Die verschiedenen Herzogtümer wurden durch äußere Gewalt zusammengeschmiedet. Die Herzöge betrachteten sich jetzt verpflichtet, Heeresfolge und gewisse Abgaben dem Kaiser zu leisten. Alle diese Länder: Italien, Burgund, Lothringen, Franken, Sachsen, Österreich und auch Ungarn und Polen standen zeitweilig zur deutschen Krone im Lehensverhältnis.

So ist man in der Tat im 11. Jahrhundert zu einer gewissen Einheitlichkeit gekommen. Dabei wird die Kirche immer mächtiger. Bei dem Tode Heinrichs III. werden nicht weltliche Fürsten zur Vormundschaft des jungen Königs, Heinrich IV. berufen, sondern die Erzbischöfe Hanno von Köln und später Adalbert von Bremen.

Die Durchsetzung der Volksseele mit religiösen Empfindungen hatte zu einem blinden Autoritätsglauben geführt. Jetzt war die Zeit für Rom gekommen. Eine kluge Politik wurde von Rom aus eingeleitet. Der Klerus mußte herausgerissen werden aus allen weltlichen Interessen, um nur das eine vor Augen zu haben: die Predigt und Beherrschung des Volkes. Dazu mußte er vollständig unabhängig gemacht werden. So wurde im 11. Jahrhundert das Zölibat über den Klerus verhängt, die Priesterheirat untersagt, da jeder, der durch selbstgewählte Blutsbande mit der Welt zusammenhänge, in Abhängigkeit gerate und nicht so rückhaltlos dienen könne.

Das gab dem Klerus und Papsttum die Tendenz zu unbeugsamer Willensentfaltung: nur das eine vor Augen, die Herrschaft der Kirche. So kam es, daß die Kirche die Forderung stellen konnte, bei Besetzung der Bistümer nur die Kirche mitsprechen zu lassen. Früher hatten die weltlichen Fürsten jedes Bistum besetzt, das frei wurde. Jetzt sollten nur geistliche Interessen ausschlaggebend sein, und die Herrschaft wurde dadurch erhöht, daß die Besetzung der Ämter nur von der Kirche ausging. Dadurch kam der Investiturstreit, der Heinrich IV., der sich das nicht gefallen lassen wollte, zum Gange nach Canossa führte.

Das alles faßt sich zusammen in dem Streit zwischen weltlicher und geistlicher Macht. Haben wir noch bei Chlodwig gesehen, daß der Gott der Christen der seine wird, weil er die Heere zum Siege führte, so sehen wir, wie die Kirche jetzt selbst zur Herrschaft gelangt. Das muß man verstehen, wenn man die neuen Verhältnisse begreifen will, welche die Kreuzzüge verursachten.

Wir haben an den Franken gesehen, was aus den Stämmen hervorgegangen ist, die durch die Völkerwanderung aus ihren Wohnsitzen verdrängt wurden. Wir sahen, wie das Christentum in allen Lebensverhältnissen ausschlaggebend geworden ist, wie bei den Ansiedlungen Klöster und Bistümer zum Mittelpunkt wurden, wie die Mönche nicht nur auf geistigem Gebiet die Leiter des Volkes waren, sondern es im Anbau der verschiedenen Früchte unterrichteten, die Bauleute der Kirchen waren und so weiter.

Die Städte bildeten sich gern um die bestehenden Bistümer herum. So sehen wir überall den mächtigen Einfluß der Kirche.

Hereinbrechen sehen wir den Einfluß der Mauren durch Wissenschaft und Literatur. Einen anderen Einfluß werden wir kennenlernen, wichtiger als vieles andere, durch die Kreuzzüge; er kam gleichfalls vom Orient. Durch diese Einflüsse wurden die großen Erfindungen und Entdeckungen angeregt. Denn dort im Orient und in China waren viele Dinge bekannt, von denen der Westen nichts wußte: Papierbereitung, Seidenweberei, der Gebrauch des Schießpulvers und so weiter. So wurde zu den großen Erfindungen durch diese Züge der erste Anstoß gegeben.

Wir sahen so von zwei Seiten aus mächtige Impulse auf die mittelalterliche Menschheit ihren Einfluß ausüben. Halten Sie das zusammen mit der Städtegründung und Sie werden empfinden, daß ein Jahrhundert heranbricht, das die Entwickelung machtvoll vorbereitet. Wenn Sie das in der rechten Weise verfolgen wollen, dann ist es nicht genug, es nur verstandesgemäß in sich aufzunehmen. Niemand versteht die Ereignisse wirklich, der nur mit dem Verstande sie ergreifen will und nicht mit dem Gefühl, der sich nicht in die Feinheiten der Volksseele hineinleben kann, und begreift, was sich dort im Innern abspielt und vorbereitet. Und wer das nicht hat, für den gilt das Wort des Faust:

Was ihr den Geist der Zeiten heißt,
Das ist im Grund der Herren eigner Geist,
In dem die Zeiten sich bespiegeln.

Seventh Lecture

Eight days ago, I outlined the contrast between the Western and Eastern Empires, between what is now France and what is now Germany and Austria, as it had developed in the 8th, 9th, and 10th centuries.

We have seen that the two empires differed in that the old Roman culture had left its mark on the Western Empire and the Church soon came to power by acquiring large estates itself. This led to a struggle between the secular nobility and the rising Church. Above all, we are dealing with a different kind of church. It had been endowed with powerful large estates, primarily by Charlemagne, so that the church became an ally of secular rule because it had been brought into the feudal system both at the top and at the bottom.

The subjugated had entered into a feudal relationship with the conquerors; the nobles developed into vassals of the kings, and thus the kingdom had become increasingly established. The Western Empire had to contend constantly with the conflict between the vassals and the Church. The situation was different in the Eastern Empire. Here, the old sense of independence, the feeling of freedom, had remained alive, so that the tribal dukes were quite unwilling to enter into a relationship of dependence. Thus, the 9th, 10th, and 11th centuries were filled with the so-called kings, who were elected but were really only kings in name, constantly trying to bring the tribal dukes under their control.

History tells us a lot about such struggles. The Carolingians were succeeded by the Saxon royal house after the Franks, and much is told about the deeds of Henry I, Otto I, II, and II, and Henry II, as well as the subsequent Frankish kings, Conrad II, Henry II, IV, and V. These kings, who were elected in the Eastern Empire, had no say in the constitution or the legislation of the tribes; nor did they have any judicial power at their disposal. It is therefore much more important to understand what the empire actually meant at that time than to form a precise mental image of the individual battles.

There were larger duchies. They came into being in the manner described above. During the original migration to these areas, individuals who had acquired large estates became increasingly powerful, while smaller landowners became dependent on them, had to hand over their property as fiefs, and then pay taxes.

Thus, the tribal dukes had gradually confiscated the small estates and, by giving others some of the large estates as fiefs, secured the right to have a certain number of warriors at their disposal and to pay a certain sum of money.

Thus, through the absorption of smaller estates by larger ones, the duchies of Saxony, Franconia, Swabia, Bavaria, and so on were created. Gradually, jurisdiction also passed from the district courts to the so-called court courts, which the dukes had imposed on their vassals and peasants. The church, according to its regulations, had to exercise its jurisdiction through bailiffs. Even the king was nothing more than a large landowner. He had vassals, an army, which he forced into his allegiance, and he had also acquired domain estates, thereby establishing his rule here and there. The duke's relationship to the king was also that of a vassal, in that he paid certain taxes to the court and provided certain revenues to the itinerant royal household. Jurisdiction was a matter for the duke. Only in the border areas against the Magyars, Wends, and Danes was jurisdiction exercised by royal margraves and palatine counts. There were no large states with a unified administration or a unified army. This led to endless wars between the kings and the rebellious dukes who did not want to pay taxes. It had become necessary to gradually involve the church.

It was compatible with piety that burdens were imposed on the king. It was Otto I in particular who, despite all his piety and ecclesiastical faith, compelled the Church to pay taxes. The bishoprics were forced to behave in the same way as the other vassals. Church property was divided into two parts, one of which was cultivated by serfs for the bishop, to whom they had become completely dependent. Another area remained in a looser relationship; there, the peasants had to cultivate the fields for the emperor in the name of the bishop.

Increasingly, the emperors were forced by new enemies to draw the church into a closer relationship. Powerful enemies threatened Central Europe. The Normans, after repeatedly disturbing the peoples, after being defeated by Arnulf of Carinthia at the Battle of Leuven and acquiring Brittany, had ceased their incursions. On the other hand, Finnish-Ugric peoples, the Magyars, now invaded from the east, causing indescribable terror. All reports tell of the appalling brutality of their conquests. The credit for repelling them is usually attributed to Henry I and Otto I. To a certain extent, this is correct. The Magyar incursions were not something that could be compared to later warfare and declarations of war.

When the Magyars invaded, the dukes were particularly rebellious, and Henry I therefore had to request a truce in order to create an army that was at least reasonably unified. This union was brought about solely by the urgent need for military action.

Henry I is usually celebrated as the founder of cities; this is a distorted representation. At that time, the general founding of cities began throughout Europe, and Henry I was only following the trend of the times when he supported this movement.

We have seen how jurisdiction gradually passed to the landlords, dukes, and kings. Conditions became increasingly undignified. Many people who had previously been free farmers had to give up everything they had in order to enter into the service of the large landowners. There, apart from farming, they were employed as messengers, craftsmen, and in military service.

A type of trade developed, particularly as a result of the increased productivity of the land, which grew steadily thanks to the use of this large workforce. At the same time, a special class of craftsmen emerged. This had not existed before; as already mentioned, the necessary work in the home was done by slaves and women. At most, there were blacksmiths and goldsmiths. But now, through this type of transfer, a new class of craftsmen and merchants emerged. Settlements sprang up in places where there were suitable markets, and permanent locations were established throughout Europe. Added to this was the discontent of the people who were treated unworthily, so that the rush only grew greater. This trend of the times forced the king to rely on the cities.

A cavalry army was needed to fight the Magyar horsemen. This cavalry army formed the basis for the knighthood that emerged at that time. All this must be summarized in order to gain a true picture of how everything unfolded at that time. This is more important than a detailed assessment of those battles.

In the battles at Ried in 933 and at Lechfelde in 955, the Magyars were defeated and suffered such a terrible defeat that they actually lost the desire to make further incursions. They established an empire in the Danube region in what is now Hungary. Since then, the emperors have been forced to rely on the Church, and Christianity has been exploited politically. The Magyars were converted to Christianity, especially by the Diocese of Passau. If one wants to understand what was going on in people's minds at that time, one must not use later concepts. There was an intense faith, a religious sentiment heightened to the point of enthusiasm in the hearts of the people. They listened to the clergy in all matters and allowed themselves to be guided by them in all affairs. The dukes and kings supported this kind of subservience. From Charlemagne onwards, this dominion over the soul had been taken for granted. Thus, the clergy became the best and strongest advisors and nestled themselves in the souls and hearts of the people.

In addition, the Arabs had a strong influence at that time, not only through science, as described earlier, but also through certain literary influences, which brought a new spirit into the Middle Ages. A large circle of myths, fairy tales, legends, feelings, and images was transplanted into the soul of the people, and this spiritual influence from the Orient to Europe was so intense that we see how the originally rough soul of the Germanic people took on milder manners, and that their piety was imbued with an element of great significance: the cult of Mary and the worship of women that developed from it. Anyone who does not appreciate this knows nothing about the history of the Middle Ages. They close their eyes to facts such as the fact that large masses of people were sometimes seized by epidemic fear. Such fear seized the people around the year 1000—during the reign of Emperor Otto III—which was supposed to bring about the end of the world. This great event, for which people wanted to prepare themselves through penance and pilgrimages, stirred up the whole of Germany. Emperor Otto III himself undertook a pilgrimage to the tomb of St. Adalbert of Prussia. All this was a result of the popular sentiment at the time. Anyone who does not understand this also fails to understand the origins of the later Crusades. People have also sought material motives here, but those who do not consider this aspect are missing the point.

The secularization of bishops and abbots could not remain without reaction, without repercussions, and so we understand that a powerful movement for reform emanated from Cluny. The influence of the Cluniacs was enormous; the fact that it was possible to enforce the Peace of God is proof of this. At a time when there was no unified empire anywhere, one can appreciate what it means that the monks of Cluny succeeded in restricting the law of the jungle for a few days of the week—from Friday to Monday—so that feuds were not fought out during this time. One must only consider that at that time there was actually no law, but rather the law of the jungle prevailed. The fierce struggle between the German emperors and the popes was not only fought out of selfish interests, but also out of fanaticism on the part of the Church. The pope felt himself to be the representative of Christ, the lord of the secular realms as well, as if the kingdom of Christ also meant secular rule.

Pope Gregory VII, who forced the German Emperor Henry IV to make the Walk to Canossa, was first a monk at Cluny, and it was there that he developed his fanaticism. It became the tendency of the papacy to declare that just as there are two rulers in the solar system, the sun and the moon, so too in human life; the pope is the sun, the king is the moon, who receives his light from the church. This sentiment gained acceptance and was also recognized as just by the great poet Dante, who described the supremacy of spiritual power over secular power as right and proper in the distribution of power. Now, this struggle between emperor and pope had become so powerful because a certain process of unification had taken place in the meantime. The various duchies were forged together by external force. The dukes now considered themselves obliged to provide military service and certain taxes to the emperor. All these countries: Italy, Burgundy, Lorraine, Franconia, Saxony, Austria, and also Hungary and Poland were temporarily in a feudal relationship with the German crown.

Thus, a certain degree of unity was indeed achieved in the 11th century. At the same time, the Church became increasingly powerful. Upon the death of Henry III, it was not secular princes who were appointed guardians of the young king, Henry IV, but the archbishops Hanno of Cologne and later Adalbert of Bremen.

The imposition of religious sentiments on the people had led to a blind belief in authority. Now the time had come for Rome. A clever policy was initiated from Rome. The clergy had to be torn away from all secular interests in order to focus on one thing only: preaching and controlling the people. To this end, they had to be made completely independent. Thus, in the 11th century, celibacy was imposed on the clergy and priests were forbidden to marry, since anyone who was connected to the world through self-chosen blood ties would become dependent and unable to serve unreservedly.

This gave the clergy and the papacy a tendency toward unyielding willfulness: they had only one thing in mind, the rule of the Church. Thus, the Church was able to demand that only the Church have a say in the appointment of bishops. Previously, secular princes had filled every diocese that became vacant. Now, only spiritual interests were to be decisive, and the Church's power was increased by the fact that the filling of offices was determined solely by the Church. This led to the Investiture Controversy, which led Henry IV, who was not willing to accept this, to walk to Canossa.

All this can be summed up in the conflict between secular and spiritual power. Whereas with Clovis we saw that the Christian God became his God because he led the armies to victory, we now see how the Church itself attained power. This must be understood if one wants to comprehend the new circumstances caused by the Crusades.

We have seen in the Franks what emerged from the tribes that were displaced from their homes by the migration of peoples. We saw how Christianity became decisive in all walks of life, how monasteries and bishoprics became the center of settlements, how monks were not only the spiritual leaders of the people, but also taught them how to cultivate various fruits, built churches, and so on.

Cities tended to form around existing bishoprics. Thus, we see the powerful influence of the Church everywhere.

We see the influence of the Moors through science and literature. We will learn about another influence, more important than many others, through the Crusades; it also came from the Orient. These influences stimulated the great inventions and discoveries. For there in the Orient and in China, many things were known that the West knew nothing about: paper making, silk weaving, the use of gunpowder, and so on. Thus, these traits provided the initial impetus for the great inventions.

We have seen powerful impulses exerting their influence on medieval humanity from two sides. Consider this together with the founding of cities, and you will sense that a century is dawning that powerfully prepares the way for development. If you want to follow this in the right way, it is not enough to take it in intellectually. No one who wants to grasp events only with their intellect and not with their feelings, who cannot empathize with the subtleties of the Folk-souls and understand what is going on and being prepared there, can truly understand them. And for those who do not have this, the words of Faust apply:

What you call the spirit of the times,
Is basically the spirit of the masters themselves,
In which the times are reflected.