The Reality of the Higher Worlds
GA 79
30 November 1921, Kristiania
Translated by Luise M. Boeddinghaus
The Central Question of Economic Life
First of all I wish to thank the honourable chairman for his warm words and ask you above all to note what I assure you with equal warmth, that it gives me deep satisfaction to be allowed to expound here some aspects of the social endeavours to which I have devoted a great deal of my time. But of course I have to apologize immediately, because to speak about the social question to-day is extremely difficult. In a short lecture one can actually only give a few aspects and perhaps indications, and I ask you to make allowance for this. Perhaps there could be the assumption that someone who in the main devotes himself to the popularisation and spreading of anthroposophical spiritual science could only talk of otherworldliness, maybe of phantasies or even utopia when he treads on social ground. But just what I have learnt from anthroposophical thinking in regard to the social question differs from much which at present is talked of in this direction, in that it wants to engage with practical life and actually doesn't just want to discuss social theories.
I myself have during a number of decades gained from various sources the view about the social question of which I would like to share some aspects, by direct observation of social life. From this I have gained the view that our social question and in particular the economic question is to-day actually a general human one. It announces itself when one studies it in real life, not in theory, as a question which throughout doesn't actually consist of economic aspects, but erupts in such a volcanic way in the present from purely human causes. And it will only be possible to tackle this question in a practical way when one seeks the solution—and of course there can only be the question of an attempt at a partial solution—from a purely human aspect. And here I must characterize something quite different as the central economic question from what one would normally expect. Indeed, I shall not even be able - as life is richer than theories and ideas—somehow to answer this central economic question in a short sentence, but I shall be able to let it appear as something that goes like a thread through my observations of to-day. But if I were after all to mention in the beginning a very abstract view, it is this, that we live in a time when man to a great extent alienates himself from life and from economic life in particular by what he thinks and what he makes his principles. This view has proved itself especially by working amongst the proletarian workers as teacher in the most varied fields of knowledge and instruction in the field of history and the field of economic questions. I could especially get to know the modern proletariat in their lives through the fact that I was privileged to conduct the teaching and exercises with the workers in free conversation throughout many years. There one gets to know how the people think, how they feel. And when one knows that especially the economic question depends on introducing the proletariat again to the work in a way relating to the economic needs of humanity, then one will initially be obliged to look at the economic questions from the point of view of this human side. And there it became clear to me that if one tries to create an interest within the proletariat to-day for this or that, then the actual concrete economic questions, the comprehension of really practical economic life, actually awakens no interest in them. The people have no interest in concrete individual economic questions. To-day there lives in the proletariat—and in international life millions of human beings belong to this proletariat of which I speak—only an economic abstract theory, an abstract theory however which itself constitutes the content of life in this proletariat. The proletarian worker is in his heart actually very aloof towards his work, towards the actual content of his work. He does not care about what work he does. He is only interested in how he is treated in his firm, and when he speaks about this treatment it is still from quite general abstract points of view. He is interested in the relation of his wages to the value of the product in the production of which he partakes, while the quality of his products is absolutely beyond the scope of his interests. I have tried, especially in the teaching of workers, to create an interest in concrete branches of manufacture and industries by introducing history and natural science. But all this is something which does not interest the worker as such. He is interested in the situation of the classes, the class struggle, he is interested in that—which I don't need to characterize for you here—which he calls the added value. He is interested in the development of the economic life in as much as he ascribes to it the reason for all human historic life, and he actually speaks of a theoretical region which exists totally above that in which he is involved from morning till evening and wants to form the reality from this. And one may say: What he accepts as his theory about the economic life again results from a theoretical way of looking at things. Most proletarians to-day are, as you will know, more or less modified of original Marxists, that means followers of a theory which actually doesn't concern itself with the conditions of economic life as such, but works towards the direction which I have just described.
This one gets to know within wide circles of the proletariat through the practical association with this proletariat, by working amongst the proletariat. But that is in a certain sense only the reflection of an ever increasing distancing of the purely human interests from the interests of practical life during the last centuries. One would like to say: The fact that our economic life has become more complicated has caused a kind of stupor, so that one can no longer dive down into the single complicated areas of economic life with that which one ethically accepts as the good and with that which one accepts as the just. But if one does not speak out of practical life but out of general abstract principles, one hardly touches on that which comprises the work of the day, the tasks of the day, with that which one always asserts as demands, as principles.
Just as I could share this with you out of my own life experience, so it can also be demonstrated by various examples from historical life. I would like to tell you a grotesque example for that which I want to say. It was 1884 when Bismarck said in the German parliament (Deutsche Reichstag) wanting to establish a foundation for his further handling of the core economic question, that he acknowledges the right to work of every human being. Then he instructed the delegates thus: Let the community give to every healthy human being the work which sustains him, make sure that those who are sick or weak are cared for by the community, that the aged are cared for, and you can be sure that the proletariat will leave its proletarian leaders, that the social democratic theories which are being promulgated will find no followers.—Now, that was spoken by Bismarck, who though he admitted in his memoirs that he had had republican sympathies in his youth, but whom you will surely acknowledge as a monarchist, whom you would surely not expect to have applauded it, if at a proletarian meeting the international social democracy had been cheered.
I would like to draw your attention to another personality who stated the same with almost the identical words, who however stood with his whole disposition, his whole human feeling on another general human standpoint. That is Robespierre. Robespierre said when he wrote his “human rights” in1793 almost the same, no, I want to say exactly the same as what Bismarck said in the German Reichstag in 1884: It is the obligation of the community to provide work for every healthy human being, to look after the sick and feeble, to care for the aged when they can no longer work.
The same sentences from Robespierre, from Bismarck, definitely from quite different human perspectives. And now comes the third thing which is also very interesting: Bismarck, when voicing his “Robespierre words”, which he definitely hadn't learnt from Robespierre, argued that these demands were already part of the Prussian state rights since 1794. Now, one may surely not conclude from this that the Prussian state legislation one year after Robespierre had written his “human rights” adopted these human rights in its code of law. And surely the world will not think that the Prussian state had wanted to realize Robespierre's ideas according to its state laws for almost a hundred years when Bismarck in 1884 again stated these demands. There the question arises in view of the historical facts: How is it that two such different people as Robespierre and Bismarck can say the exact same words and that without a doubt both imagine that the social milieu which they want to create with this is a totally different one?
I cannot see this in any other way than that we to-day, when we speak in such strong abstractions about the concrete questions of life which during the recent centuries has become more complicated, actually all—Bismarck from the right, from the extreme right, Robespierre from the extreme left—harmonize in relation to the general principles. In the general principles we all agree. But in life we immediately fall into extreme disharmony, just because our general principles are far removed from that which we have to do in particular all day long. Today we have no possibility, just when it comes to practical life, to really accomplish in particular what we think in general. And the most abstract is that, which in the proletarian theory is contained to-day as economic demand, for the reasons which I have tried to characterize.
This is how things are to-day. And one has to say: Through the whole development of recent times this state of affairs has come about. We see how the section of economic life which we can call the production process has become more and more manifold through the complexity of technical life. And when I want to characterize it with a word which has already become a cliché—but one has to use such words—we see that the production life has become ever more collective.
After all, what can an individual accomplish within our social organism in the life of production? He is connected everywhere with that which has to be done in community with others. Our way of production has become so complicated that the individual is caught up as in a big production mechanism. The production life has become collective. That is just what appeals to the proletarian and he imagines in his fatalistic economic view that the collectivism will become still stronger and stronger, that the branches of production will amalgamate and that the time will come when the international proletariat will be able to take over the production themselves. That is what the proletarian is waiting for. So he gives himself over to the great delusion that the collectivism of production is a natural necessity—for he experiences the economic necessity almost as a natural necessity—and that this collectivism must be further established. Above all, that the proletarian is ordained to then occupy the chairs on which to-day's producers are sitting and that that, which will have become collective, will now be administered collectively. How strongly the proletariat believe in such an idea out of their economic interest, we can see from the sad results of the economic experiment in the East, for there, so to say, it was tried to organize the economic life in this way, albeit not as the proletarian theorists had dreamed but out of the military circumstances. One can already see to-day and one will see it more and more: The experiment will—quite apart from its ethical or other values, or from the sympathies or antipathies that one can have for it—by its own inner destruction forces miserably fail and bring unimaginable disaster to humanity.
Over against the life of production stands the life of consumption. But the life of consumption can never become collective by itself. In consumption the individual actually by natural necessity stands as an individuality. From the personality of the human being, from the human individual, the needs of the total consumption arise. Therefore beside the collectivism of the production the individualism of consumption remained. And starker and starker became the abyss, deeper and deeper became this abyss between the production aiming for collectivism and the ever more demanding just by contrast ever more demanding interest of consumption. For one who can look through to-day's life with unprejudiced eyes it is now no abstraction, but for him the terrible disharmonies into which we are placed are founded on the wrong relationship which has been established to-day between the impulses of production and the needs of consumption by what has been characterized.
To be sure, one can only have an idea of the whole misery which in this regard troubles the deepest feelings of people, if one has for decades observed, not through study but through practical life, that which has caused this disharmony in the various areas of life. And now truly not through any principles, not by theoretical considerations, but out of these life experiences, that has emerged which I put down in my book “Essentials of the social question”. Nothing was further from my intention than trying to somehow find an utopian solution for the social question from this life experience. However I had to experience that contemporary thinking of people spontaneously leans towards the utopian side. Of course I had to condense that which I had come to out of the great manifoldness of life, which I would have preferred to discuss by giving single concrete examples. I had to condense it into general sentences which in turn are condensed in the term “Threefolding of the social organism”. But what these words signify, that had at least to be explained by some indications. One had to say how one imagines that these things should be handled. That is why I have given some examples how the development of capitalism should proceed, how for instance the labour question could be regulated and so on. There I have tried to give concrete particular indications. Well, I have attended many discussions about these “Essentials of the social question” and I have always found that people in their utopian opinion of to-day ask: Now how will this or that be then in future? They referred to the indications which I have given about specific things but which I never meant to be anything but examples. In real life one can demonstrate something that one is doing, that one arranges to the best of one's knowledge, but which obviously one could also do differently. Reality is not like this that a single theory fits it. Of course one could also do everything differently. But the utopian wants everything characterized to the last detail. And in this way the “Essentials of the social question” have often been understood by others in an utopian sense. They have often been transformed into utopia, whereas they were not meant in the least as utopia but have resulted from the observation of that which emerged from the process of production as collectivism, from the observation of how for the production there is a certain necessity to flow into this collectivism, but how on the other hand all strength of production depends on the abilities of the human individual.
In this way by observing modern production, the eye of the soul could see with terrible intensity that actually the basic impulse of all production, the personal ability, was being absorbed by the collectivism which had been caused by the economic forces themselves and which continued to be caused by them. One realized on the one hand the tendency of the economic life and on the other hand the equally valid demand to let the individual strength of the single human being assert itself particularly just within the economic life. And one has to ponder about the social organism on how this basic demand of economic progress—the nurturing of individual abilities—can be safeguarded in the purely through technical circumstances ever more complicated processes of production. It is this which on the one hand stands so vividly before one's soul: The real economic process and the necessary demands on the economic life so that it may prosper.
On the other hand that which we call the present social question doesn't actually arise out of the interests of production. When collectivism is sought for in the realm of production, then one finds this actually in the technical possibilities of economic life, in the technical necessities, as well. What one usually calls the social question is actually asked totally by interests of consumption, which again are based totally on the human individuality. And the strange fact emerges that although seemingly something else is taking place—the call for social reform resounds through the world purely from interests of consumption. One can also see this when one practically follows up the discussions and life. I have seen this during the lectures I started giving in April 1919 and which were given again and again, and in the discussions following them, how unsympathetic those who are active as producers or entrepreneurs in practical economic life are towards the discussion of that which one calls the social question in the sense of how it is preached out of the interests of consumption.
On the other hand one sees how actually everywhere where the call for socialism appears, only the interest of consumption is focused on. So that here just in the ideals of socialism the will impulse of individualism is active. In actual fact, all those who are socialist strive towards socialism out of purely individual emotions. And the striving for socialism is actually only a theory which floats above that which are the individual emotions. But on the other hand, by a serious observation of that which has developed more and more in our economic life, again for centuries, the whole full meaning of that emerges which is popularly called `sharing of work' in national economy, in the teaching of economy.
I am convinced that many clever things have been written and said about this sharing of work, but I don't believe that it has already been thought through to its final consequence in its full significance for the practical economic life. The reason why I don't believe this is because one would then have to realize that actually it follows from the principle of labour sharing that nobody can produce anything for himself in a social organism in which there is full sharing of work—and I am purposely saying “can produce”. Even to-day we still see the last remnants of subsistence farming, especially looking at the small farms. There we see how he who produces retains what he and his family need. And what does it bring about that he can still be a supplier of his own needs? It brings about that he produces in quite a wrong way within the social organism which for the rest is based on labour sharing. Everyone who to-day makes a coat for himself or who supplies himself with his own food grown on his own land, actually sustains himself too expensively, because as there is labour sharing, every product will be cheaper than it can be when one produces it for oneself. One only has to ponder on this fact and one will have to realize as its final consequence that to-day nobody can produce in a way that his work can flow into the production product, into the product. And yet there is the strange fact that Karl Marx for instance treats the product as a crystallized piece of labour. But to-day this is not in the least the case. The product to-day is in relation to its value—and that is all that matters in economic life—least of all determined by labour. It is determined by its usefulness that is its consumption interests, by the usefulness with which it exists within the social organism that depends on labour sharing.
All this asks of us the great questions of the present time in the economic realm. And from these questions it became clear to me that at to-days' time of human development we stand before the necessity to form the social organism in such a way that it more and more shows its three inherent parts. And as one of these three parts I have initially to recognize the spiritual life, which mainly rests upon the human abilities. When speaking of the three-folding of the social organism I do not only include the more or less abstract life of thought or the religious life in the spiritual realm, but I include everything which depends on human spiritual or physical abilities. I have to say this explicitly, otherwise one could completely misunderstand the demarcation of the spiritual realm within the three-fold social organism. The one also who only works with his hands needs a certain skill for this work, he needs various other things as well, which in this regard does not let the individual appear as a member of pure economic life but as a member of the spiritual realm.
The other realm of the social organism is that of pure economics. In pure economics one is only concerned with production, consumption and circulation between production and consumption. But this means nothing else than that in pure economic life one is only concerned with the circulation of the produced goods which, as they are circulating, become merchandise. One is concerned with the circulation of merchandise. An item which within the social organism, because it is needed, becomes of a certain value which is reflected in its price, such an item becomes, in the sense I must regard it, merchandise.
But now the following transpires: Of course I can only make indications of the things which I want to assign to certain realms, otherwise this lecture would become far too long. It now appears that all that which is merchandise can have a real objective value not only in connection with the economic life but with the whole of social life. Simply by that which a product means within the life of consumption it attains a certain value which definitely has an objective significance. I now must explain what I mean by “objective significance”. By “objective significance” I don't mean that one could immediately determine the value of a product of which I am now speaking through statistics or such like. For the circumstances by which a product gets its value are much too complicated, too manifold. But apart from that which one can immediately know about it, apart from our perception, every product has a specific value. When a product has a certain price in the market place, this price can be too high or too low in relation to its real objective value or it can coincide with it. But as irrelevant as the price is which appears to us outwardly because it can be falsified by some other circumstances, so true it is on the other hand that one could ascertain the objective value of a product if one could ascertain all the thousands of single conditions by which it is produced and consumed. From this it is clear that that which is merchandise has a very special relationship to economic life. For what I now call the objective economic value can only be applied to merchandise. It cannot be applied to anything else which to-day has a similar relationship to our economic life as merchandise has. For one cannot apply it to land or to capital.
I don't want to be misunderstood. For instance you will never hear characterizations of capitalism from me as one nowadays hears them so often and which come from all sorts of clichés. It is obvious that one does not have to elaborate on the fact that in to-day's economic life nothing can be achieved without capital and that polemics against capitalism is economically amateurish. So it is not that which one can nowadays hear so often which I now have to say about capital and about land, but yet something else. If one can state for every product that its price is above or below a mean which admittedly cannot be immediately determined but which is objectively present and which alone is healthy, one cannot apply it to that which is nowadays treated like merchandise: land. The price of land, the value of land today is subject to what one can call human speculation, what one can call anything but social impulses. There is no objectivity in the determination of the price or value of land in an economic sense. That is so because a product once it exists—never mind whether it is good or bad, if it is good it is useful, if it is bad then it is not useful—can by itself determine its objective value by the manner and intensity in which it is needed.
That cannot be said of land and cannot be said of capital. In the case of land and capital the manner how it is productive, how it is positioned within the whole social and economic structure is absolutely determined by human capabilities. They are never something finite. If I have to manage land I can only manage it according to my capabilities and because of this its value is variable. The same goes for capital that I have to administer. Someone who practically studies this fact in its full significance will have to say: This radical difference between merchandise on the one hand and land and capital on the other hand definitely exists. And from this can be deduced that certain symptoms which appear in our economic life and which clearly seem to us unhealthy symptoms of the social organism, must be thought of in some connection with that which is caused in economic life by the fact that in practice one treats with the same money, that is with the same appreciation of value that which in actual fact cannot be compared. In other words one throws together and indirectly through money exchanges with one another, brings to economic interaction what is quite different in its intrinsic nature and therefore would have to be treated differently in economic life.
And when one further studies practically how the same treatment, that is the payment with the same money for merchandise, for consumables, as for land and capital—which has actually also become an item of commerce as anyone knows who is familiar with economic life—has entered our social organism, and when one studies the historical development of humanity, one can see that to-day three realms of life which come from totally different origins and only have a connection in social life through the individual human being, are working together in our social organism in a way which is not organic. That is first of all the spiritual realm, the realm of human capabilities which man brings with him to the earth from spiritual realms, which comprise his talents, which comprises that which with his talents he can learn, which are very much something individual and which are developed more intensely the more the single human individuality can assert himself in social life. One may be a materialist or whatever, one will have to admit: What is achieved in this realm the human being brings into this world through his birth. It is something which depends on the single individuality of the human being if it is to prosper, from the physical skill of the craftsman to the highest expressions and revelations of the faculty of invention.
Something else holds good in the realm of economic life. I want to explain what I want to say about this by a fact. You all know that at a certain time during the 19th century here and there the ideal of a universal gold currency arose. If one follows up on what was said by practical economists, by economic theorists, by parliamentarians during the time when here and there, there was a striving for the gold currency—and I say this definitely without irony—it is very clever. One is often very taken by the sense that was spoken and written in parliaments, chambers of commerce and other associations about the gold currency and its blessings for economic life. One of the things which was said and what especially the most prominent people, at least many of the most prominent people emphasized, was that the gold currency would result in the blossoming of the economically beneficial free trade everywhere., that the economically harmful political boundaries would lose their economic significance. And the reasons, the arguments which were quoted for such assertions were very clever. And what has happened in reality? In reality it has happened that just in the areas where one had expected that the economic boundaries would fall because of the gold currency, they were after all to be found necessary or at least have been declared necessary by many. From economic life the opposite emerged from that which from theoretical considerations was predicted precisely by the cleverest people.
This is a very important historical fact which happened not so long ago and from which one should draw the necessary consequences. And what are these necessary consequences? It is these which one always finds when one looks at the real practical economic life: that in the realm of actual economic life, which consists of production, circulation and consumption of goods—let me say this paradox, I believe it to be the truth which really is revealed to the unprejudiced observer—the cleverness of the individual can be of no use to him. One can be ever so clever, one can have ever such clever thoughts about economic life, the evidence can be absolutely sound, but it will not be realized in economic life. Why? Because economic life can in no way be circumscribed by the consideration of the individual, because economic experience, economic perception can only come to valid judgement by he agreement between persons interested in economic life in various ways. The individual can never gain a valid judgement, also not through statistics, how economy should be conducted, but only by agreement say of consumers and producers who form associations, where the one tells the other what the needs are and vice versa the other tells the one what possibilities there are for the production. Only when a collective decision comes about by the agreement within the associations of economic life, a valid decision for the economic life can be found.
To be sure, we here touch on something where outer economic perception borders on let me say economic psychology. But life is a unity and one cannot omit human souls when one really wishes to speak of practical life. What this means is that a real economic judgement can only result from the agreement of those who participate in the economic life from the knowledge which individuals gather as partial knowledge and which only becomes valid judgement when the individual knowledge of the one is modified by the individual knowledge of the other. Only discussion can lead to a valid judgement in economic life. But with this we talk of two radically different realms of human life. And the more practically one regards life, the more one finds that the two realms differ from one another, and that for instance production, which requires knowledge about how to produce, how one works out of human capabilities, needs the human individual, but that everything to do with merchandise, with the goods when they have been produced, is subject to the collective judgement. Between these two realms there is a third where the individual is not there to unfold his capabilities which he has brought into life by his birth, nor is the individual able to associate with others in order to modify his economic judgement and bring about a collective judgement which holds good for the practical economic life, but where the individual faces the other human being in such a way that this encounter is a purely human one, a relationship from man to man. And this realm includes all relationships in which the individual human being directly encounters the individual human being, not as an economically active being but as man, where he also has nothing to do with the capabilities with which one was born or which one has learnt, but where he is concerned with what he is allowed to do within the social organism or what his duties are, what his rights are, with that which he signifies within the social organism by his pure human relationship with the other man despite his capacities, despite his economic position. This is the third realm of the social organism.
It might seem that these three realms were cleverly thought out. But that is not the case. It seems as though they were not taken from practical life. But that is just what they are. Because that which is specific to them is just what is working in practical life. And when these three realms of the social organism work together in a wrong way, then damage to the social organism occurs. In my “Essentials of the social question” I have used the example of the human organism—not in order to prove something, I know very well that one can never prove anything by analogies, but in order to explain what I had to say—which is definitely a unity but which, if one analyses it with true physiology, all the same consists of three realms. We distinguish clearly in the human organism the nerve-sense organism which, though working within the whole human being, is mainly situated in the head. Furthermore there is in the human being the breathing and circulation rhythm, the rhythm organism as a relatively independent organism. And as a third organism there is the metabolism-limbs organism, all that depends either on the inner functions of metabolism or the consumption of the products of metabolism by the outer human activity, which starts with the movement of the human limbs by which metabolism is used.
Indeed, man is a unity, but just because of the fact that these relatively independent members are working together harmoniously. And if one were to wish that instead of this organic working together man should be an abstract unity, then one would be wishing for something foolish. Each of these members has its own openings towards the outside world, the senses, the openings of breathing, the opening of nutrition: relative independence. And just because of this relative independence these members work organically harmoniously together in the right way, in that each member unfolds its own specific strength and thereby something unified comes about. As I was saying, I know that one cannot prove anything by an analogy. And I don't want to prove anything but just to illustrate something. Because he who observes the social organism as objectively as in this physiology the threefoldness of man is observed, will find that by its very own qualities the social organism demands an independent, a relatively independent working of the economic organism, the state-political or rights organism and the spiritual organism within the boundaries which I have indicated.
Through a misunderstanding of the three-folding of the social organism it has often been asserted that in the last resort this separation cannot take place, that for instance the rights relationships constantly play into the economic life, that the spiritual relationships play into it too and that it would therefore be nonsense to wish for a threefoldness of the social organism.
In the natural human organism the three members work together as unity just because each one of them can work in its specific way, and it is definitely so that the nerve-sense organism is fed, that it has is specific nutritional needs and that the nerve-sense organism has also got its importance for the metabolism. That the three members are still relatively independent is shown by a healthy physiology.
A healthy social physiology will also show that the three realms, the realm of the spirit, the realm where man simply relates to man, that is to say the legal-state-political realm, and the economic realm where man has to become a member of associations, of communities in the indicated way, that these realms can work together in the right way if they are allowed to develop their intrinsic qualities relatively independently. This is by no means an adaptation of for instance the old platonic threefoldness: teaching, military, economics, for there people are divided into three classes. In our time there can be no question of such a structure, but only of a structuring of the administration, of the external formation of the three realms of life when we talk of the three-folding of the social organism.
The spiritual realm should only be administered out of its intrinsic principles. For instance those who are teachers should also be the administrators of the education system, so that there is no division between pædagogical science on the one hand and the prescriptions of the political organism on the other hand for education. All administration in the area of the spiritual realm must come directly from the spiritual realm, from that which is pædagogical-didactic science. In the political-state area everything can be regulated from man to man in the relevant administrative and constitutional bodies. In the economic realm associations will have to be formed in which people will partake as economic entities for reasons which I explained today. What must these associations in the economic realm see as their main task? Well, in the structuring of this task the specific thing which I have tried to explain in my “Essentials of the Social Question” can be shown. In these “Essentials of the Social Question” it was nowhere stated that in this way or that social structures should come about, this or that would be the very best. For me that would already signify something utopian. For whosoever knows today's human life knows that even when one thinks up the best theories, practical life benefits very little from these theories. I am even convinced that if one were to convene twelve or more, or less, not even particularly clever people, one could get wonderful programs about everything, for instance for the organisation of the primary school, programs against which nothing could be said: point 1, point 2, point 3,—when all that were to become reality what is asked in point1, point2, point 3, there would be an ideal school. But it cannot become reality because although man can think up the most ideal situation, what can be achieved in reality depends on quite different conditions.
We have tried to found something as far as is possible in our time in the Waldorf School in Stuttgart which is not built on programs but only flows out of pædagogy and didactics. The Free Waldorf School has a number of teachers. They would, if they meet together, be able to think up ideal programs for the school, for which I would not particularly praise them. But that we don't need. The people, the living human beings constitute the staff. And what they are able to do, the best that can be elicited from them, that should be developed. All ideal programs are dismissed, all prescriptions are dismissed, everything is placed into the immediate impulse of the individual ability. No prescription disturbs him who is to act—and that is just the task of the individual human being—out of pædagogy and didactic in a certain area of spiritual life.
Of course to-day one can only realize such things up to a certain point. In practical life one can nowhere realize an ideal, but one must do what is possible in the circumstances of life. In the same way everything else from my “Essentials of the Social Question” must be treated. Nowhere has it been attempted to show how the different institutions should be. Not as a demand, not as an ideal, but as an observation of that which the human being in his present historical becoming wants, it is pointed out that human beings—although they are just as they happen to be—would be able to act differently from how they are acting today, if they were situated in their right place. Therefore I do not give actual proposals how this or that institution should be but turn directly to the human beings and say: When human beings work together in the right way and in the right way find the aspects from which they have to view the social question, then the best which can come about will come about.—And I just believe that the best structuring of the social organism out of the human being is this that every single person, I should say, in a separate association thinks and works in the spiritual realm, in the rights-state or political realm and in the economic realm. Every person can for instance be active in all three realms if he has the strength for it—the social organism is not divided into classes. The point is not that this or that person is active in this or that realm, but that objectively, apart from man, these three realms are administered independently out of their intrinsic conditions, so that a person can belong to all three or to two or to one, but administers it out of the principles of that realm. If one considers how through this the harmony of the three realms comes about, one will see that in this threefolding it is the unity with matters, not the separation, as misunderstood criticism and discussions assert.
And so it is especially important in the economic realm that solutions should not be found by some prescriptions let us say from the study of statistics or the like, but from immediate life. I will give an example. As everyone knows, an item of merchandize in the economic circulation becomes too cheap if a great number of people produce the same thing, when there is overproduction. And everyone knows, that an item of merchandize becomes too expensive when it is produced by too few people. Through this we have a measure where the objective mean is of which I have spoken. This mean, the objective value, this objective price cannot be fixed as such. But when associations come into being which see their activity in practically getting to know economic life, to study it in every moment, in every present time, then the main observation can be how prices rise, how prices fall. And because associations occupy themselves with this rising and falling of prices, it can be accomplished by negotiations that a large enough number of people can be formed for an economic entity, a large enough number of people is active in a branch of production, that through negotiation one can bring the right number of people into a branch of production. This cannot be worked out theoretically, this can only be determined by people being in their appropriate place, so that these things are determined by human experience. Therefore one cannot say: this or that is the objective value. But when associations work in economic life in such a way that they make it one of their tasks gradually to eliminate businesses which make the prices too cheap as is customary, and to inaugurate others in their place which produce something else, then enough people will take part in the various branches of production. This can only be accomplished by a truly associative life. And then the price for a certain product will become closer to the objective price. So that we can never say: Because of such and such conditions the objective price must be this or that, but we can only say: When the right human association comes about, then by its work in the immediate life of the social organism the correct price can gradually emerge. The point is not to state how institutions should be that the socially right thing happens, but to bring people into such a social connection that from the collaboration of the people the social question can gradually be solved. For whoever understands the social question rightly cannot see it as one that has come up once and could be solved by some utopia, but the social question is a result of modern working together and will in future be present more and more. But what is needed is that people observe the social currents from their economic viewpoint and through associations, in which alone an economic judgement can be formed, bring the economic life into the right streams, not by laws but out of immediate life by direct human negotiation. The social life must be based practically on the human condition.
Therefore the “Essentials of the Social Question” are not concerned with describing some social structure, but to indicate how people can be brought into a relationship in which they can by their working together do from time to time what is needed for the social question, not in the way which is sometimes dreamt about. As one can see from this, these associations will primarily be concerned with the actual economic life. In actual economic life merchandize is circulating. Therefore the associations will primarily have to further the tendency towards the correct price out of immediate life, so that everyone actually can purchase what he needs for his maintenance out of his own producing. I have once tried to bring into a formula what such a just price would look like. That does not mean of course that it should be determined abstractly. It is determined out of real life as I have indicated. But I have said: Such a price for any product in social life—that is, for merchandize—is this, that it makes it possible for a person to provide his keep and all his needs for himself and his family until he has produced the same product again.
I don't state this as a dogma. I don't say this must be so, because one would never be able to implement this, as one cannot implant such theories into reality, I only say that that which will appear as the correct price through the associative working together will tend towards this direction. So I just want to state a result. I don't want to draw up a dogma, some economic dogma. And in my view this is just what is essential for today's economic thinking, that one bases it everywhere on human foundations, that one recognizes again in what way the human being must everywhere be the driving force of economic life, that one does not think of organizing a social organism somehow out of institutions that come out of theoretical thinking, but that one tries to discover how human co-existence should be so that the right way comes about. I want to illustrate this still by the following analogy. In the realm of nature there exists this: that in the conditions which are created by people there is something which comes out of a basic human sensing but which doesn't intend to fix something which comes into being in outer social life. For in recent times there has been talk of how the human embryonic development could be influenced so that one could in a certain sense have a choice of whether to bring boys or girls into the world. Of course I don't want to discuss this question today in theory, but I consider it fortunate if this question cannot be practically solved. For even though human beings cannot determine abstractly what would be the best distribution of male and female gender in the world, this does happen more or less without people being able to influence it. There are objective laws which take effect when man out of quite different conditions simply follows his basic impulses. And in this way, when the associations work in the right way and out of the experiences of life without dogmatically saying such or such the just price has to be, this price will appear through the associative working. I call it associative working, because the human individuality should be present in associating, that is, in the combining of the strengths of the one with the strength of the other the individuality is preserved. In the coalition, in the unions, the individuality disappears. This is what in my view can lead to the realistic, not the dogmatic, economic thinking.
And one can think of further tasks for these associations. If we look again at the analogy with the human organism we can say: by this or that symptom we can notice that the human organism is sick. Out of a combination of symptoms we can gain knowledge about the illness, about the process of the illness. It is quite similar with the social organism. Today we see obvious symptoms of disease in the social organism. Associations are the health bearers. Associations work towards the harmonizing of interests, so that the interests of the producers and the consumers are harmonized by the working together in the association, that other interests are harmonized, that above all the interests between employers and workers are harmonized. Today we see how out of a diseased economic body the opposite of associative life is created, we see how passive resistance, locking out, sabotage and even revolutions come about. No-one with a healthy mind can deny that all this works in the opposite direction of the associative principle and that all this: sabotage, lock-outs, revolution and so on are symptoms of disease of the social organism that must be overcome through that which works in a harmonizing way. But for this one needs a truly meaningful form of the social organism, just as the human natural threefold organism has a meaningful form.
And now I come back to what I said, that land and capital cannot be considered as merchandize, for their value is dependent on human capability. If we have something abstractly uniform as it has more and more come to the fore in recent times, but also bearing within it the described symptoms of disease and others as well, then it tends to result through this abstract uniform treatment that land, capital and lastly also labour are treated as merchandize.
When there is a threefold organism, the forces of the individuality work in the realm of the spiritual life. Therefore all that has to do with the unfolding of the individuality in economic life that is that which is connected with land and with capital, is actually part of the spiritual realm of the social organism. That is why I have described how the management of the capital, the management of the land, have to be dealt with in the spiritual realm of the social organism.
He who criticizes me for tearing the three realms apart is not aware that—as I described it myself—the spiritual organism, which is built on the individual strength, takes on the management of the capital, the management of the land as a matter of course when people are put at the right place. But that which is labour in the social organism is a service which man performs for man. That is something which can never thrive if it is grounded in economic life alone. That is why regulation of labour belongs to the realm of rights, to the political realm. And just because of from a totally different premise from today, time and measure of work can be regulated by relationships between man and man—quite apart from economic agreements which are determined in economic life through the associations—something will come about which will be of the utmost importance: The economic life will be placed on a healthy basis by having nature with its conditions on the one side and on the other side man with his conditions.
It would be strange indeed if today we would sit together with a small committee to determine how many rainy days there must be in 1922 in order for the economic matters to proceed according to our wishes. One has to take nature as it is and only on the basis of accepted nature the economic life can be structured. That is the one side. In the threefold social organism man stands in relationship to man, not as economic object, over against the independent, relatively autonomous associations, autonomous even to the structuring of the money side. And as man he develops the labour laws. And now one will not determine human labour out of economic conditions, from which only the prices of the merchandize, the relative values of the merchandize, i.e. something purely economic must be determined, just as one cannot determine the productivity of nature out of economic conditions. But only then one will have based economic life on purely human as well as on purely natural conditions.
It will then however not be possible for Utopia to come about. But what good would it be to think about how man could be better constituted than he is? One can only study him as he is. Therefore it can be said that it would be very nice to talk of some future worlds in which man would be as well as one could wish for, but it would be fruitless; for one could think up all sorts of ideas of how the social organism should be structured. But that can never be the question. The question can only be this: How is it possible to structure it? How must its members work together, not that it is the best, but the one which through its own strengths is the possible one, which will have the least of the indicated disease symptoms and can develop in the most healthy way possible? I think that maybe as time goes by one will come to an understanding about this cardinal question of economic life which I have indicated, when one wants to understand this through a true realization of the social conditions of life. This cardinal economic question which has lived in all my deliberations and which I don't want to lay down in an abstract dogmatic formal way. But to-day our most terrible battles which assail the economic life lastly come from the fact that one does not study economic life with the same good will, does not follow up its conditions within the social organism as one does for instance in regard to the natural organism. And only when one will learn to proceed with regard to the social organism as one does with biology, physiology and their therapy, one will discover what possibilities there are, and then it will be possible to ask the questions which to-day one calls the social questions in the right way. With this they will be able to be brought back to the human level. That is why it seems to me to be of the greatest importance that as many heads and hearts can be won for an appropriate understanding of the social organism as possible, for an understanding which can look at the social organism in respect of health and disease just as natural science attempts to do with regard to the human organism. And I believe that today one can realize that indeed it must also be said with regard to the cardinal question of economic life, that the three-folding of the social organism can throw light into the realms of purely economic life, the rights, state or political life and the spiritual life. For these three realms should not be separated, but each one should be able to work harmoniously together with the others by virtue of being able to develop its strong powers in relative autonomy. And the core question of economic life is this: How must the political life and the spiritual life work independently into the purely economic life in relation to capital, land and measuring and valuation of human labour, so that in the economic life by the structuring of the associations not indeed an earthly paradise, but a possible social organism can be created?
And one can believe that when one thinks in such a true to nature way about the question, then such a question which one must call the core question of the economic life, can be asked in the right, close to life, practical way. And it often happens in life that the greatest mistakes are made not because one strives for wrong solutions—usually they are utopian solutions—but already by asking the wrong question, that the questions are not asked out of real observation of life and real knowledge of life. But this seems to me today the most significant question particularly in regard to the economic life, that the questions are asked correctly and that life be structured in such a way that not theoretical answers are given but that life, the total human and historical reality itself, gives the answer to the correctly put questions. The questions will be put out of the historical background, life must directly truly give answer. No theory can give this answer, but only the full practical reality of life.
Die Kardinalfrage des Wirtschaftslebens
Ich danke zunächst dem verehrten Vorsitzenden für seine herzlichen Worte und bitte Sie vor allen Dingen zu berücksichtigen, was ich ebenso herzlich versichere, daß es mir eine tiefe Befriedigung gewährt, einige Richtlinien aus den sozialen Bestrebungen, denen ich einen großen Teil meiner Zeit gewidmet habe, auch hier vortragen zu dürfen. Doch muß ich natürlich sogleich um Entschuldigung bitten deswegen, weil über die soziale Frage heute zu sprechen, eine außerordentlich schwierige Sache ist. Man kann in einem kurzen Vortrage ja eigentlich nur einige Richtlinien und vielleicht Anregungen geben, und das bitte ich Sie durchaus zu berücksichtigen. Vielleicht könnte die Meinung bestehen, daß jemand, der im wesentlichen sich der Popularisierung und Verbreitung anthroposophischer Geisteswissenschaft widmet, wenn er auf soziale Gebiete sich begibt, nur Weltvergessenes, vielleicht Phantasiemäßiges oder gar Utopistisches vorbringen könne. Was sich mir aber gerade aus anthroposophischer Denkweise heraus ergeben hat für die soziale Frage, es unterscheidet sich von vielem, das in der Gegenwart nach dieser Richtung gesprochen wird, vielleicht doch dadurch, daß es durchaus auf die Praxis des Lebens eingehen will und es eigentlich ablehnt, mehr oder weniger soziale Theorien zu besprochen.
Ich selbst habe im Laufe von Jahrzehnten aus den verschiedensten Untergründen heraus diejenige Anschauung über die soziale Frage gewonnen, über die ich einige Richtlinien heute verzeichnen möchte, und zwar durch unmittelbare Beobachtung des sozialen Lebens. Ich habe daraus die Anschauung gewonnen, daß unsere soziale Frage, namentlich auch die wirtschaftliche Frage, heute im Grunde genommen eine ganz allgemein menschliche ist. Sie kündigt sich, wenn man sie lebensgemäß, nicht theoretisch studiert, als eine Frage an, die durch und durch eigentlich gar nicht aus wirtschaftlichen Gesichtspunkten besteht, sondern aus rein menschlichen Gründen in der Gegenwart sich in so vulkanischer Weise aufwirft. Und es wird auch nur möglich sein, an diese Frage in einem praktischen Sinn heranzutreten, wenn man an die Lösung — natürlich kann die Rede nur sein von dem Versuch einer partiellen Lösung — vom rein menschlichen Gesichtspunkte aus herangeht. Und da werde ich zunächst etwas ganz anderes als die wirtschaftliche Kardinalfrage bezeichnen müssen, als man gewöhnlich erwartet. Ja, ich werde nicht einmal — da das Leben reicher ist als Theorien und Ideen — irgendwie in einem kurzen Satze diese wirtschaftliche Kardinalfrage beantworten können, sondern ich werde sie mehr als etwas durch meine heutigen Betrachtungen Durchgehendes erst erscheinen lassen können.
Wenn ich aber doch zunächst einen ganz abstrakten Gesichtspunkt von vornherein angeben möchte, so ist es der, daß wir in einer Zeit leben, in der im hohen Grade der Mensch mit dem, was er denkt, was er sich als Prinzipien ausgestaltet, dem Leben überhaupt und besonders dem wirtschaftlichen Leben sich entfremdet. Diese Anschauung hat sich mir insbesondere dadurch erhärtet, daß ich durch Jahre hindurch unter der proletarischen Arbeiterschaft als Lehrer gewirkt habe, auf den verschiedensten Gebieten der Erkenntnis und des Unterrichtes, sowohl auf historischem Gebiete, wie auf dem Gebiete der wirtschaftlichen Fragen. Und vor allen Dingen konnte ich das moderne Proletariat in seinem Leben dadurch kennenlernen, daß es mir vergönnt war, durch Jahre hindurch mit den Arbeitern Unterricht und Übungen in freier Rede abzuhalten. Da lernt man kennen, wie die Leute denken, wie die Leute empfinden. Und wenn man weiß, daß vor allen Dingen die wirtschaftliche Frage heutzutage daran hängt, daß man in einer den wirtschaftlichen Bedürfnissen der Menschheit entsprechenden Weise das Proletariat wiederum an die Arbeit heranbringt, dann wird man zunächst genötigt sein, von dieser menschlichen Seite aus die wirtschaftlichen Fragen zu betrachten. Und da hat sich mir denn ergeben, daß wenn man heute innerhalb des Proletariates versucht, Interesse zu erregen für dies oder jenes, dann die eigentlichen konkreten wirtschaftlichen Fragen, das Verständnis für wirklich praktisches Wirtschaftsleben unter dem Proletariat im Grunde genommen gar kein Interesse findet. Die Leute stehen einem Interesse für konkrete einzelne wirtschaftliche Fragen ganz fern. Es lebt im Proletariat heute — und es gehören zu diesem Proletariate, von dem ich spreche, im internationalen Leben heute ja Millionen von Menschen — durchaus nur eine wirtschaftliche, abstrakte Theorie, aber allerdings eine abstrakte Theorie, welche in diesem Proletariate selbst den Lebensinhalt bildet. Seiner Arbeit, das heißt dem eigentlichen Inhalte seiner Arbeit, steht der proletarische Arbeiter im Grunde genommen mit seinem Herzen sehr fremd gegenüber. Ihm ist es gleichgültig, was er arbeitet. Ihn interessiert nur, wie er in seiner Unternehmung behandelt wird, und er spricht, wenn er über diese Behandlung redet, doch von ganz allgemeinen abstrakten Gesichtspunkten aus. Ihn interessiert das Verhältnis seines Lohnes zu dem, was das Erträgnis der Produkte ausmacht, an deren Fabrikation er beteiligt ist, während die Qualität seiner Produkte durchaus außerhalb des Gesichtskreises seiner Interessen liegt. Ich habe versucht, gerade im proletarischen Unterricht durch Zuhilfenahme des Geschichtlichen, durch Zuhilfenahme des Naturwissenschaftlichen, Interesse zu erwecken für konkrete Fabrikations- und Betriebszweige. Das alles ist aber etwas, was den Proletarier als solchen nicht interessiert. Ihn interessiert die Stellung der Klassen, der Klassenkampf, ihn interessiert das — was ich Ihnen ja hier nicht zu charakterisieren brauche —, was er den Mehrwert nennt. Ihn interessiert die Entwickelung des wirtschaftlichen Lebens, insofern als er ihr die Ursachen für alles menschliche geschichtliche Leben zuschreibt, und er redet eigentlich von einer theoretischen Region, die sich ganz oberhalb dessen befindet, in dem er vom Morgen bis zum Abend drinnen steckt und möchte nach dieser die Wirklichkeit formen. Und man darf sagen: Was er als seine Theorie anerkennt über das wirtschaftliche Leben, das stammt auch wiederum von einer theoretischen Betrachtungsweise. Die meisten Proletarier sind ja heute mehr oder weniger modifizierte oder ursprüngliche Marxisten, das heißt Anhänger einer Theorie, die sich eigentlich durchaus nicht mit den Bedingungen des wirtschaftlichen Lebens als solchem befaßt, sondern eben nach jener Richtung hin wirkt, die ich eben charakterisiert habe.
Das erfährt man heute innerhalb weiter Kreise des Proletariats durch den praktischen Verkehr mit diesem Proletariat, durch die Wirksamkeit unter dem Proletariat. Aber das ist doch in gewisser Beziehung nur der Abglanz einer in den letzten Jahrhunderten immer mehr und mehr auftretenden Entfremdung der rein menschlichen Interessen von den Interessen des praktischen Lebens. Man möchte sagen: Das Kompliziertwerden unseres Wirtschaftslebens hat eine Art von Betäubung hervorgerufen, so daß man nicht mehr mit dem, was man ethisch als das Gute ansieht, mit dem, was man als das Rechtliche ansieht, in die einzelnen kompliziert gewordenen Gebiete des Wirtschaftslebens untertauchen kann. Wenn man aber nicht aus der Praxis heraus redet, sondern von allgemein-abstrakten Gesichtspunkten ausgeht, berührt man mit dem, was man immer als Forderungen, als Prinzipien aufstellt, fast gar nicht dasjenige, was dann die Arbeit des Tages, was die Aufgaben des Tages ausmacht.
Wie ich Ihnen aus meiner eigenen Lebenspraxis dieses veranschaulichen konnte, so kann es aber auch durch allerlei Beispiele aus dem geschichtlichen Leben erhärtet werden. Ich möchte ein groteskes Beispiel anführen für das, was ich sagen will. Es war 1884, da sagte Bismarck im Deutschen Reichstag, indem er die Grundlage legen wollte für seine weitere Behandlung der wirtschaftlichen Kardinalfrage, er erkenne an das Recht eines jeden Menschen auf Arbeit. Und er apostrophierte dann die Reichstagsabgeordneten so, daß er sagte: Verschaffen Sie jedem gesunden Menschen von gemeinschaftswegen die Arbeit, die ihn ernährt, sorgen Sie dafür, daß diejenigen, die krank oder schwach sind, von gemeinschaftswegen versorgt werden, sorgen Sie dafür, daß die Alten versorgt werden, und Sie können überzeugt sein, daß das Proletariat seinen proletarischen Führern entläuft, daß die sozialdemokratischen Theorien, die verbreitet werden, keine Anhänger mehr finden. — Nun, das sprach Bismarck, der allerdings in seinen Memoiren gestand, daß er in seiner Jugend republikanische Neigungen gehabt habe, aber den Sie doch ganz gewiß als einen echten Monarchisten anerkennen werden, dem Sie ganz gewiß nicht zuschreiben werden, daß er etwa eingestimmt hätte, wenn in einer proletarischen Versammlung zum Schlusse das Hoch ausgesprochen worden wäre auf die internationale Sozialdemokratie.
Ich möchte auf eine andere Persönlichkeit hinweisen, die dasselbe fast mit denselben Worten ausgesprochen hat, und die allerdings mit ihrer ganzen Gesinnung, mit ihrer ganzen menschlichen Empfindung auf einem anderen allgemein menschlichen Boden stand. Das ist Robespierre. Robespierre hat, indem er seine «Menschenrechte» verfaßt hat, 1793 ungefähr dasselbe gesagt, nein, ich möchte sagen, ganz genau dasselbe gesagt, was Bismarck 1884 im Deutschen Reichstag gesagt hat: Es ist die Pflicht der Gemeinschaft, jedem gesunden Menschen Arbeit zu verschaffen, für die Kranken und Schwachen von gemeinschaftswegen zu sorgen, den Alten eine Versorgung zu geben, wenn sie nicht mehr arbeiten können.
Dieselben Sätze von Robespierre, von Bismarck, ganz gewiß auf ganz verschiedenem menschlichen Boden! Und dazu kommt das dritte, das auch nicht uninteressant ist hinzuzufügen: Bismarck berief sich, indem er seine «RobespierreWorte» aussprach — die er ganz gewiß nicht von Robespierre gelernt hat — darauf, daß ja diese Forderungen bereits im Preußischen Landrecht seit 1794 stehen. Nun, man wird daraus ganz gewiß nicht schließen dürfen, daß das Preußische Landrecht ein Jahr, nachdem Robespierre die «Menschenrechte» verfaßt hat, diese Menschenrechte in seinen Gesetzeskodex aufgenommen hat, und man wird ganz gewiß in der Welt nicht so urteilen, daß der preußische Staat die Ideen Robespierres durch fast ein Jahrhundert hat verwirklichen wollen gemäß seinem Landrechte, als Bismarck 1884 neuerdings diese Forderung ausgesprochen hatte. Da entsteht schon auch gegenüber den historischen Tatsachen die Frage: Wie kommt es denn eigentlich, daß zwei so verschiedene Menschen wie Robespierre und Bismarck wörtlich dasselbe sagen können, und daß doch beide sich ganz gewiß vorstellen, daß das soziale Milieu, das sie danach bilden wollen, ein ganz anderes ist?
Ich kann die Sache nicht anders ansehen als so, daß eben wir heute, wenn wir über die konkreten Fragen des durch die neueren Jahrhunderte kompliziert gewordenen Lebens sprechen, in so starken Abstraktionen sprechen, daß wir eigentlich alle, der Bismarck von rechts, von der äußersten Rechten, der Robespierre von der äußersten Linken, in bezug auf die allgemeinen Prinzipien miteinander harmonisieren. Wir finden uns in den allgemeinen Prinzipien alle zusammen. Im Leben aber fangen wir sogleich an, in die äußersten Disharmonien zu zerfallen, weil eben unsere allgemeinen Prinzipien ganz weit abliegen von dem, was wir den ganzen Tag im einzelnen treiben müssen. Wir habe heute gerade dann, wenn es auf die Lebenspraxis ankommt, keine Möglichkeit, das, was wir im allgemeinen denken, auch im einzelnen wirklich durchzuführen. Und am meisten abstrakt ist das, was in der proletarischen Theorie heute als wirtschaftliche Forderung auftritt, aus den Gründen, die ich versuchte zu Charakterisieren.
Dieser Sachlage steht man ja heute gegenüber. Und man muß sagen: Durch die ganze Entwickelung der neueren Zeit ist diese Sachlage heraufgekommen. Wir sehen, wie derjenige Teil des wirtschaftlichen Lebens, den wir als den Produktionsprozeß überschauen, durch die Kompliziertheit des technischen Lebens immer mannigfaltiger geworden ist. Und wenn ich es mit einem Worte, das ja schon ein Schlagwort geworden ist — allein man muß solche Worte gebrauchen —, bezeichnen will: Wir sehen, daß das Produktionsleben immer kollektivistischer geworden ist.
Was kann denn im Grunde genommen heute der einzelne innerhalb unseres sozialen Organismus im Produktionsleben leisten? Er ist überall eingespannt in das, was mit anderen in Gemeinschaft getan werden muß. Unsere Art des Produzierens ist so kompliziert geworden, daß der einzelne wie in einem großen Produktionsmechanismus eingespannt ist. Es ist das Produktionsleben kollektivistisch geworden. Darauf sieht gerade der Proletarier hin, und er verspricht sich in seiner wirtschaftlich fatalistischen Anschauungsweise, daß der Kollektivismus noch immer stärker und stärker werden wird, daß immer mehr und mehr die Produktionszweige sich zusammenschließen werden, und daß dann die Zeit kommen werde, wo das internationale Proletariat selbst diese Produktion übernehmen kann. Auf das wartet der Proletarier. Er gibt sich also dem großen Irrtum hin, daß der Kollektivismus der Produktion das Naturnotwendige ist — denn er empfindet das wirtschaftlich Notwendige fast wie eine Naturnotwendigkeit —, und daß dieser Kollektivismus weiter ausgebaut werden soll, daß vor allen Dingen das Proletariat dazu berufen sei, sich dann auf die Stühle zu setzen, auf denen die heutigen Produzenten sitzen, und daß das kollektivistisch Gewordene nunmehr kollektivistisch verwaltet werde. Wie stark das Proletariat aus seinem wirtschaftlichen Interesse heraus an einer solchen Idee hängt, sehen wir in den traurigen Ergebnissen des wirtschaftlichen Experimentes im Osten, denn dort wurde sozusagen — allerdings nicht so, wie es sich die Proletarier-Theoretiker geträumt haben, sondern aus den kriegerischen Verhältnissen heraus — der Versuch gemacht, in diesem Sinne das Wirtschaftsleben zu gestalten. Man kann heute schon sehen, und man wird es immer mehr und mehr sehen: Der Versuch wird — ganz abgesehen von seinen ethischen oder sonstigen Werten oder von den Sympathien oder Antipathien, die man ihm entgegenbringen kann — durch seine eigenen inneren zerstörenden Kräfte kläglich scheitern und unsägliches Unglück in die Menschheit bringen.
Dem Produktionsleben steht gegenüber das Leben der Konsumtion. Aber das Leben der Konsumtion kann niemals von selbst kollektivistisch werden. In der Konsumtion steht der einzelne im Grunde genommen durch Naturnotwendigkeit als Individualität darinnen. Aus der Persönlichkeit des Menschen, aus dem menschlichen Individuum heraus kommen die Bedürfnisse der Gesamtkonsumtion. Es blieb daher, neben dem Kollektivistischen der Produktion, das Individualistische der Konsumtion bestehen. Und immer schroffer und schroffer wurde der Abgrund, tiefer und tiefer wurde dieser Abgrund zwischen der nach Kollektivismus strebenden Produktion und den doch sich immer heftiger geltend machenden, gerade durch den Kontrast immer heftiger geltend machenden Interessen der Konsumtion. Für den, der das heutige Leben durchschauen kann mit unbefangenem Blicke, ist es nun keine Abstraktion, sondern für den beruhen die furchtbaren Disharmonien, in die wir hineingestellt sind, gerade auf dem Mißverhältnis, das sich durch das Angedeutete heute herausgebildet hat zwischen den Impulsen der Produktion und den Bedürfnissen der Konsumtion.
Man kann allerdings das ganze Elend, das in dieser Beziehung heute bis in die tiefsten Gemüter der Menschen hinein herrscht, nur überschauen, wenn man sich eben nicht durch Studium, sondern durch Lebenspraxis Jahrzehnte hindurch in das vertieft hat, aus dem sich auf den einzelnen Gebieten des Lebens diese Disharmonie ergeben hat. Und nun wirklich nicht aus irgendwelchen Prinzipien, nicht aus theoretischen Erwägungen, sondern aus diesen Lebenserfahrungen heraus ist entstanden, was ich niedergelegt habe in meinem Buche «Die Kernpunkte der sozialen Frage». Ganz fern lag es mir, aus dieser Lebenspraxis heraus irgendwie eine utopische Lösung der sozialen Frage zu versuchen. Ich mußte allerdings erfahren, daß das heutige Denken der Menschen ganz unwillkürlich nach der utopischen Seite hinneigt. Ich mußte selbstverständlich zusammenfassen, was sich mir aus der großen Mannigfaltigkeit des Lebens ergeben hat, was ich lieber in einzelnen konkreten Beispielen erörtert hätte, ich mußte es zusammenfassen in allgemeine Sätze, die dann wiederum ihrerseits zusammengestellt sind in den Schlagworten «Dreigliederung des sozialen Organismus». Aber was da drinnen ist, das mußte doch durch einige Richtlinien wenigstens exemplifiziert werden. Man mußte sagen, wie man sich denkt, daß die Dinge in die Hand genommen werden sollen. Deshalb habe ich einige Beispiele gegeben, wie die Entwickelung des Kapitalismus weiter fortschreiten soll, wie etwa die Arbeiterfrage zu regeln ist und so weiter. Da habe ich versucht, konkrete, einzelne Andeutungen zu geben. Nun, ich habe viele Diskussionen mitgemacht über diese «Kernpunkte der sozialen Frage», und ich habe stets gefunden, daß die Menschen in ihrer utopistischen Meinung von heute immer fragen: Ja, wie wird denn in der Zukunft das oder jenes sein? — Sie haben sich dabei gestützt auf die Andeutungen, die ich über das einzelne gegeben habe, was ich aber niemals anders gemeint habe, denn als Beispiel. Im ganzen konkreten Leben ist es ja so, daß man irgend etwas, was man tut, was man nach seinem besten Wissen einrichtet, daß man das in irgendeiner Gestalt in die Wirklichkeit hineinstellen kann, daß man es aber selbstverständlich auch anders machen könnte. Die Wirklichkeit ist nicht so, daß nur ein einzelnes Theoretisches auf sie paßt. Man könnte selbstverständlich auch alles anders machen. Der Utopist aber, der möchte bis ins einzelne hinein schlagwortartig alles charakterisiert haben. Und so sind denn diese «Kernpunkte der sozialen Frage» vielfach gerade durch die anderen im utopistischen Sinne ausgedeutet worden. Sie sind in Utopien vielfach umgewandelt worden, während sie nicht im entferntesten als Utopie gemeint sind, sondern hervorgegangen sind aus einem Betrachten dessen, was sich im Produktionsprozeß als der Kollektivismus ergeben hat, aus der Anschauung, wie nun wirklich von seiten der Produktion eine gewisse Notwendigkeit vorliegt, in diesen Kollektivismus hineinzusegeln, wie aber auf der anderen Seite alle Kraft der Produktion doch wiederum abhängt von den Fähigkeiten des menschlichen Individuums.
So trat einem gerade aus der Betrachtung der modernen Produktion mit furchtbarer Intensität vor das seelische Auge, daß eigentlich der Grundimpuls, der aller Produktion zugrunde liegen muß, das persönliche Können, gewissermaßen absorbiert wird durch den Kollektivismus, der sich aus den wirtschaftlichen Kräften selbst heraus ergeben hat und immer weiter ergibt. Es trat einem auf der einen Seite entgegen dasjenige, wozu das wirtschaftliche Leben neigt, und auf der anderen Seite die auch selbstverständliche Forderung, die individuellen Kräfte der einzelnen menschlichen Persönlichkeit gerade innerhalb des Wirtschaftslebens zur Geltung zu bringen. Und es obliegt einem, über den sozialen Organismus so nachzudenken, wie diese Grundforderung des wirtschaftlichen Fortschrittes: die Pflege der individuellen Fähigkeiten —, bestehen kann im rein durch die technischen Verhältnisse immer Komplizierterwerden der Produktionsprozesse. Das ist es auf der einen Seite, was einem so ganz lebendig vor die Seele tritt: der wirkliche wirtschaftliche Fortgang, und die notwendigen Anforderungen, die man stellen muß an das wirtschaftliche Leben, damit es gedeihen könne.
Auf der anderen Seite geht ja alles das, was wir die heutige soziale Frage nennen, im Grunde genommen praktisch gar nicht aus den Produktionsinteressen hervor. Wenn im Produktionsgebiete nach Kollektivismus gesucht wird, so ergibt sich das eigentlich aus den technischen Möglichkeiten des Wirtschaftslebens, aus den technischen Notwendigkeiten auch. Was man gewöhnlich die soziale Frage nennt, wird eigentlich ganz und gar aus Konsumtionsinteressen vorgebracht, die wiederum nur auf der menschlichen Individualität beruhen können. Und die merkwürdige Tatsache stellt sich heraus, daß — wenn auch scheinbar etwas anderes stattfindet — aus reinen Konsumtionsinteressen heraus der Ruf nach Sozialisierung durch die Welt geht. Man sieht das auch, wenn man die Diskussionen und das Leben praktisch verfolgt. Ich habe das ja gesehen bei meinen Vorträgen, die ich im April 1919 zu halten begonnen habe, und die immer wieder gehalten wurden, und in den darauffolgenden Diskussionen, wie eigentlich unsympathisch berührt sind diejenigen, die als Produzenten oder Unternehmer im praktischen Wirtschaftsleben drinnen stehen, von der Diskussion dessen, was man soziale Frage nennt, in dem Sinne, wie es aus den Konsumtionsinteressen heraus gepredigt wird.
Dagegen sieht man, wie im Grunde genommen überall, wo der Ruf nach Sozialismus aufkommt, nur das Konsumtionsinteresse ins Auge gefaßt wird. So daß man hier gerade in den Idealen des Sozialismus wirksam hat als Willensimpuls den Individualismus. Im Grunde genommen streben alle diejenigen, die sozialistisch sind, nach dem Sozialismus hin aus ganz individuellen Emotionen heraus. Und das Streben nach dem Sozialismus ist im Grunde genommen nur eine Theorie, die über dem, was die individuellen Emotionen sind, dahinschwimmt. Aber auf der anderen Seite ergibt sich durch eine ganz ernstliche Betrachtung dessen, was sich in unserem Wirtschaftsleben, auch wiederum seit Jahrhunderten, immer mehr und mehr entwickelt hat, die ganze volle Bedeutung desjenigen, was man ja landläufig in der Nationalökonomie, in der Volkswirtschaftslehre zusammenfaßt mit dem Namen Arbeitsteilung.
Ich bin überzeugt davon, daß außerordentlich viel Geistvolles über diese Arbeitsteilung geschrieben und gesagt worden ist, glaube aber nicht, daß sie in ihrer vollen Bedeutung für das praktische wirtschaftliche Leben bis in ihre letzten Konsequenzen schon durchdacht worden ist. Ich glaube das aus dem Grunde nicht, weil man sonst einsehen müßte, daß im Grunde genommen überhaupt aus dem Prinzip der Arbeitsteilung mit Konsequenz folgt, daß niemand eigentlich in einem sozialen Organismus, in dem volle Arbeitsteilung herrscht, für sich selber noch etwas produzieren — ich sage sogar — kann. Wir sehen ja heute noch die letzten Reste der Selbstproduktion, namentlich wenn wir die kleinen Landgüter ins Auge fassen. Da sehen wir, daß eigentlich derjenige, der produziert, das zurückbehält, was für seinen und seiner Familie Bedarf notwendig ist. Und was bewirkt dieses, daß er sozusagen ein Versorger des eigenen Bedarfs noch sein kann? Das bewirkt, daß er eigentlich in einer ganz unrichtigen Weise innerhalb eines sozialen Organismus produziert, der im übrigen auf Arbeitsteilung aufgebaut ist. Jeder, der heute sich selbst einen Rock macht, oder der sich selbst mit seinen eigenen, auf seinem eigenen Grund und Boden gebauten Nahrungsmitteln versorgt, versorgt sich eigentlich zu kostspielig, denn dadurch, daß Arbeitsteilung herrscht, kommt jedes Erzeugnis billiger zustande, als es zustandekommen kann, wenn man es für sich selbst fabriziert. Man braucht nur über diese Tatsache nachzudenken und man wird als ihre letzte Konsequenz das ansehen müssen, daß im Grunde genommen niemand heute so produzieren kann, daß irgendwie seine Arbeit in das Produktionserzeugnis, in das Erzeugnis hineinfließt. Und doch liegt die Merkwürdigkeit ja vor, daß zum Beispiel Karl Marx das Erzeugnis wie eine kristallisierte Arbeit behandelt. So ist es aber am allerwenigsten heute. Das Erzeugnis ist heute in bezug auf seinen Wert — und allein der kommt im wirtschaftlichen Leben in Betracht — von der Arbeit zunächst am allerwenigsten bestimmt. Es ist bestimmt von der Brauchbarkeit, das heißt von Konsumtionsinteressen, von der Brauchbarkeit, mit der es drinnen steht in dem auf Arbeitsteilung beruhenden sozialen Organismus.
Das alles gibt einem auf wirtschaftlichem Gebiete die großen Fragen der Gegenwart auf. Und aus diesen Fragen heraus hat sich mir ergeben, daß wir eben einfach in dem heutigen Zeitpunkte der Menschheitsentwickelung vor der Notwendigkeit stehen, den sozialen Organismus so zu gestalten, daß er immer mehr und mehr seine naturgemäßen drei Glieder zeigt. Und als eines dieser drei Glieder muß ich zunächst erkennen das Geistesleben, das im wesentlichen beruht auf den menschlichen Fähigkeiten. Ich rechne, indem ich von der Dreigliederung des sozialen Organismus spreche, nicht nur das mehr oder weniger abstrakte Geistesleben oder das spirituelle Leben in das geistige Gebiet hinein, sondern ich rechne alles das in das geistige Gebiet hinein, was auf menschlichen, geistigen oder physischen Fähigkeiten beruht. Das muß ich ausdrücklich betonen, sonst könnte man die Begrenzung des Geistgebietes im dreigliedrigen sozialen Organismus völlig mißverstehen. Auch derjenige, der nur Handarbeit verrichtet, braucht eine gewisse Geschicklichkeit zu dieser Handarbeit, er braucht verschiedenes andere noch, was den einzelnen in dieser Beziehung nicht erscheinen läßt als einen Angehörigen des reinen Wirtschaftens, sondern als einen Angehörigen des Geistgebietes.
Das andere Gebiet des sozialen Organismus ist das des reinen Wirtschaftens. Im reinen Wirtschaften hat man es nur zu tun mit Produktion, Konsumtion und mit der Zirkulation zwischen Produktion und Konsumtion. Das heißt aber nichts anderes als: man hat es im reinen Wirtschaftsleben bloß mit der Zirkulation der erzeugten Güter, die, indem sie zirkulieren, zur Ware werden, man hat es mit der Zirkulation von Waren zu tun. Ein Gut, das innerhalb des sozialen Organismus dadurch, daß es gebraucht wird, einen bestimmten Wert erhält, der dann auf seinen Preis wirkt, ein solches Gut ist eben in dem Sinne, wie ich es auffassen muß, seine Ware.
Nun ergibt sich aber das Weitere. Ich kann selbstverständlich die Dinge, die ich den Richtlinien nach andeuten will, nur aphoristisch andeuten, sonst würde die Auseinandersetzung viel zu lang werden. Es ergibt sich nun, daß all dasjenige, was Ware ist, einen wirklichen objektiven Wert im Zusammenhange nicht nur des Wirtschaftslebens, sondern des gesamten sozialen Lebens haben kann. Einfach durch das, was ein Produkt bedeutet innerhalb des Konsumtionslebens, bekommt es einen bestimmten Wert, der durchaus eine objektive Bedeutung hat. Ich muß nun erörtern, was ich jetzt mit dem Worte «objektive Bedeutung» meine.
Mit «objektive Bedeutung» meine ich nicht, daß man diesen Wert einer Ware, von dem ich jetzt spreche, etwa durch Statistik oder dergleichen unmittelbar angeben könne. Dazu sind die Verhältnisse, aus denen heraus eine Ware ihren Wert erhält, viel zu kompliziert, viel zu mannigfaltig. Aber abgesehen von dem, was man zunächst darüber wissen kann, hat außerhalb unserer Erkenntnis jede Ware einen ganz bestimmten Wert. Wenn eine Ware einen bestimmten Preis auf dem Markt hat, so kann dieser Preis für den wirklichen objektiven Wert entweder zu hoch oder zu niedrig sein, oder er kann mit ihm übereinstimmen. Aber so wenig maßgebend der Preis ist, der äußerlich uns entgegentritt — weil er durch irgendwelche andere Verhältnisse gefälscht sein kann —, so wahr ist es auf der anderen Seite, wenn man in der Lage wäre, alle die tausend und abertausend einzelnen Bedingungen anzugeben, aus denen heraus produziert und konsumiert wird, so würde man den objektiven Wert einer Ware angeben können. Daraus geht hervor, daß das, was Ware ist, in einer ganz besonderen Art im wirtschaftlichen Leben drinnen steht. Was ich nämlich nun den objektiven wirtschaftlichen Wert nenne, das kann man nur auf die Ware anwenden, das kann man nicht anwenden auf anderes, das heute in einem ähnlichen Sinne in unserem wirtschaftlichen Leben drinnen steht wie die Ware. Man kann es nämlich nicht anwenden auf Grund und Boden, und man kann es nicht anwenden auf das Kapital.
Ich möchte nicht mißverstanden werden, Sie werden von mir niemals zum Beispiel Charakteristiken des Kapitalismus hören, wie man sie heute so oft erhält, und die aus allerlei Schlagworten heraus kommen. Es ist ja so selbstverständlich, daß man es gar nicht weiter auszuführen braucht, daß im heutigen Wirtschaftsleben ohne Kapitalien gar nichts auszurichten ist, und daß das Wettern gegen den Kapitalismus eben ein wirtschaftlicher Dilettantismus ist. Also nicht dasjenige, was man heute so oftmals hören kann, liegt in dem, was ich jetzt über das Kapital und über Grund und Boden zu sagen habe, sondern doch etwas anderes. Wenn man bei jeder Ware angeben kann, daß ihr Preis über oder unter einer allerdings nicht ohne weiteres angebbaren Mitte liegt, die aber objektiv vorhanden ist, und die das allein Heilsame ist, obwohl sie zunächst nicht erkannt werden kann, so kann man das nicht angeben für etwas, was heute gleich einer Ware behandelt wird: für Grund und Boden. Der Preis für Grund und Boden, der Wert von Grund und Boden unterliegt heute durchaus dem, was man nennen kann menschliche Spekulation, was man nennen kann alles andere als soziale Impulse. Und es liegt keine Objektivität vor für eine Preisansetzung oder Wertansetzung im wirtschaftlichen Sinne für Grund und Boden. Das ist aus dem Grunde so, weil eine Ware, nachdem sie vorhanden ist — gleichgültig, ob sie gut oder schlecht ist, ist sie gut, ist sie eben gut brauchbar, ist sie schlecht, ist sie eben schlecht brauchbar —, ihren objektiven Wert selber festsetzen kann durch die Art und Weise und die Intensität, in der nach ihr Bedarf ist.
Das kann nicht gesagt werden von Grund und Boden, kann auch nicht gesagt werden von Kapital. Bei Grund und Boden und bei dem Kapital hängt die Art und Weise, wie er trägt, wie er sich hineinstellt in den ganzen sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Zusammenhang, durchaus von den menschlichen Fähigkeiten ab. Sie sind niemals etwas Fertiges. Habe ich irgendeinen Grund und Boden zu verwalten, so kann ich ihn nur verwalten nach meinen Fähigkeiten, und sein Wert ist dadurch etwas durchaus Variables. Ebenso ist es in bezug auf das Kapital, das ich zu verwalten habe. Derjenige, der diese Tatsache in ihrer vollen Bedeutung praktisch studiert, der wird eben sagen müssen: Dieser radikale Unterschied zwischen einer Ware einerseits, Grund und Boden und Kapital andrerseits, ist durchaus vorhanden. - Und daraus ergibt sich, daß gewisse Symptome, die in unserem Wirtschaftsleben auftreten und die uns deutlich als Krankheitssymptome des sozialen Organismus erscheinen, daß sie in irgendeinem Zusammenhange gedacht werden müssen mit dem, was sich im wirtschaftlichen Leben dadurch ergibt, daß man praktisch mit demselben Gelde, das heißt mit derselben Wertschätzung behandelt das, was eigentlich gar nicht kommensurabel ist, daß man also zusammenwirft und gegeneinander auf dem Umwege durch das Geld zum Austausche bringt, zur wirtschaftlichen Wechselwirkung bringt, was seiner inneren Wesenheit nach ganz verschieden ist, also auch verschieden im wirtschaftlichen Leben behandelt werden müßte.
Und wenn man nun weiter praktisch studiert, wie eigentlich in unseren sozialen Organismus hineingekommen ist die Gleichbehandlung, sozusagen das Zahlen mit demselben Gelde sowohl für Waren, also für Gebrauchsgüter, wie auch für Grund und Boden und für Kapital, das ja im Grunde genommen auch ein Gegenstand des Handels geworden ist, wie jeder weiß, der das Wirtschaftsleben kennt, wenn man sich also fragte, wie das eigentlich gekommen ist, und das geschichtliche Werden der Menschheit verfolgt, so sieht man, daß unorganisch heute zusammenwirken in unserem sozialen Organismus drei Gebiete des Lebens, die im Grunde genommen aus ganz verschiedenen Wurzeln stammen und die einen Zusammenhang im sozialen Leben nur durch den individuellen Menschen haben. Das ist eben erstens das Geistesgebiet, dasjenige Gebiet, in dem die menschlichen Fähigkeiten sich betätigen, die eigentlich der Mensch von anderen Welten her auf die Erde bringt, die in seinen Anlagen liegen, die in dem liegen, was er aus diesen Anlagen heraus erlernen kann, die durchaus ein Individuelles darstellen, die um so intensiver entfaltet werden, je mehr die einzelne Individualität des Menschen im sozialen Leben zur Geltung kommen kann. Man mag Materialist oder was immer sein, man wird sagen müssen: Was auf diesem Gebiete sich betätigt, das bringt der Mensch durch die Geburt in diese Welt mit hinein, das ist etwas, von der physischen Geschicklichkeit des Handarbeiters bis zu den höchsten Äußerungen und Offenbarungen der Erfinderkraft, was durchaus auf die einzelne Individualität des Menschen angewiesen ist, wenn es gedeihen soll.
Ertwas anderes liegt vor auf dem Gebiete des Wirtschaftslebens. Was ich darüber sagen will, möchte ich durch eine Tatsache erörtern. Sie wissen ja alle, daß zu einer gewissen Zeit im 19. Jahrhundert da und dort das Ideal entstanden ist der einheitlichen Goldwährung. Wer verfolgt, was von praktischen Wirtschaftern, von wirtschaftlichen Theoretikern, von Parlamentariern gesagt worden ist in der Zeit, in der man da oder dort nach der Goldwährung gestrebt hat — ich sage es ganz gewiß ohne Ironie —, das ist außerordentlich geistvoll. Man ist oftmals tief durchdrungen von dem Geistvollen, das in Parlamenten, in Handelskammern, in sonstigen Gemeinschaften gesprochen worden ist, was geschrieben worden ist über die Goldwährung und ihren Segen für das Wirtschaftsleben. Das eine, was gesagt worden ist und was gerade von den bedeutendsten Menschen betont worden ist, von vielen wenigstens der bedeutendsten Menschen betont worden ist, das ist, daß die Goldwährung es dahin bringen werde, daß überall der wirtschaftlich segensreiche Freihandel blühen werde, daß die wirtschaftlich schädigenden politischen Grenzen ihre wirtschaftliche Bedeutung verlieren werden. Und die Gründe, die Beweise, die vorgebracht worden sind für solche Behauptungen, die sind außerordentlich geistreich. Und was ist in der Wirklichkeit eingetreten? In der Wirklichkeit ist nämlich das eingetreten, daß gerade auf den Gebieten, wo man erwartet hat, daß durch die Goldwährung die wirtschaftlichen Grenzen fallen, diese doch als notwendig sich herausgestellt haben oder wenigstens von vielen als notwendig betont worden sind. Aus dem wirklichen Wirtschaftsleben heraus hat sich ergeben das Gegenteil von dem, was aus theoretischen Erwägungen heraus gerade von den gescheitesten Leuten vorausgesagt worden ist.
Es ist dies eine sehr wichtige historische Tatsache, die nicht allzu weit hinter uns liegt, aus der man nur die nötigen Konsequenzen ziehen sollte. Und welches sind diese nötigen Konsequenzen? Es sind diese, die sich einem immer ergeben, wenn man in die wirkliche Wirtschaftspraxis hineinschaut: daß auf dem Gebiete des eigentlichen Wirtschaftslebens, das aus Warenproduktion, Warenzirkulation, Warenkonsum besteht — lassen Sie mich das Paradoxon aussprechen, ich halte es für eine Wahrheit, die sich wirklich dem unbefangenen Betrachten ergibt —, dem einzelnen seine Gescheitheit gar nichts nützt. Man kann noch so gescheit sein, kann über das wirtschaftliche Leben noch so gescheit nachdenken, die Beweise können restlos stimmen, aber sie werden sich im wirtschaftlichen Leben nicht bewahrheiten. Warum das? Weil das wirtschaftliche Leben überhaupt nicht durch die Erwägung des einzelnen umfaßt werden kann, sondern weil das wirtschaftliche Erfahren, das wirtschaftliche Erkennen nur durch die Verständigung von in verschiedener Weise am Wirtschaftsleben Interessierten zu gültigen Urteilen kommen kann. Niemals kann der einzelne ein bündiges Urteil, auch nicht durch Statistik darüber gewinnen, wie die Wirtschaft laufen soll, sondern nur durch Verständigung, sagen wir, von Konsumenten und Produzenten, die sich in Gesellschaften vereinigen, wodurch der eine dem anderen sagt, was für Bedürfnisse vorliegen, der andere dem einen das sagt, was die Produktion als Möglichkeit hat. Nur wenn ein Kollektivurteil aus der Verständigung innerhalb von Gemeinschaften des wirtschaftlichen Lebens entsteht, kann ein gültiges Urteil für das Wirtschaftsleben sich ergeben.
Hier berühren wir allerdings etwas, wo die äußere Wirtschaftserkenntnis an, ich möchte sagen, Wirtschaftspsychologie stößt. Aber das Leben ist ja ein Einheitliches, und man kann eben die Seelen der Menschen nicht umgehen, wenn man vom praktischen Leben wirklich sprechen will. Um was es sich handelt ist also, daß ein wirkliches wirtschaftliches Urteil nur folgen kann aus der Verständigung der im Wirtschaftsleben Drinnenstehenden, aus den Erkenntnissen heraus, die sich die einzelnen als Partialerkenntnisse erwerben, und die erst zu adäquaten Urteilen werden dadurch, daß sich die einzelne Erkenntnis des einen an der Erkenntnis des anderen abschleift. Nur die Auseinandersetzung kann im wirtschaftlichen Leben zu gültigen Urteilen führen. Damit aber haben wir zwei radikal verschiedene Gebiete des menschlichen Lebens. Und je praktischer man das Leben anschaut, desto mehr ergibt sich, daß die beiden Gebiete verschieden sind voneinander, und daß zum Beispiel die Produktion, die ja erfordert, daß man die Kenntnisse hat, wie produziert werden soll, wie man aus den menschlichen Fähigkeiten heraus arbeitet, durchaus das menschliche Individuum auf den Plan ruft, daß aber alles dasjenige, was mit der Ware, mit dem Gute geschieht, wenn es produziert ist, dem Kollektivurteil unterliegt. Zwischen beiden Gebieten drinnen steht ein drittes, wo nun nicht der einzelne dasteht, um seine Fähigkeiten, die er sich durch die Geburt ins Leben gebracht hat, zu entfalten, wo er auch nicht mit irgendwelchen anderen sich verbinden kann, um an ihnen sein wirtschaftliches Urteil abzuschleifen und ein Kollektivurteil zustande zu bringen, das für die Bewertung des wirtschaftlichen Lebens in der Praxis gelten kann, sondern wo er so gegenübersteht dem Menschen, daß dieses Gegenüberstehen ein rein Menschliches, ein Verhältnis von Mensch zu Mensch ist.
Und dieses Gebiet umfaßt alle Verhältnisse, in denen eben der einzelne Mensch dem einzelnen Menschen unmittelbar gegenübersteht, nicht als Wirtschaftender, sondern als Mensch, wo er es auch nicht zu tun hat mit den Fähigkeiten, die einem angeboren oder anerzogen sind, sondern wo er es zu tun hat mit dem, was er in dem sozialen Organismus tun darf oder wozu er verpflichtet sein kann, wozu er sein Recht hat, mit dem, was er im sozialen Organismus eben bedeutet, indem der Mensch als Mensch dem anderen Menschen rein menschlich gegenübersteht, abgesehen von seinen Fähigkeiten, abgesehen von seiner wirtschaftlichen Position. Das ist das dritte Gebiet des sozialen Organismus.
Es könnte scheinen, als ob diese drei Gebiete ausgeklügelt wären. Das sind sie nicht. Es scheint, als ob sie nicht der Praxis entnommen wären. Das sind sie aber gerade. Denn was ihr Spezifisches ausmacht, das ist unmittelbar in der Lebenspraxis das Wirksame. Und wenn diese drei Gebiete des sozialen Organismus in einer falschen Art zusammenwirken, so entstehen die Schädigungen des sozialen Organismus. Ich habe in meinen «Kernpunkten der sozialen Frage» — nicht, um etwas zu beweisen, ich weiß sehr gut, daß man durch Analogien niemals etwas beweisen kann, aber um etwas, was ich zu sagen hatte, zu erläutern — die Analogie gebraucht von dem menschlichen Organismus, der ganz gewiß eine Einheit ist, der aber, wenn man ihn mit wirklicher Physiologie analysiert, dennoch auch auf einer Dreigliederung beruht. Wir haben deutlich voneinander unterschieden im menschlichen Organismus den Nerven-Sinnes-Organismus, der zwar den ganzen Menschen durchzieht, aber hauptsächlich im Haupte lokalisiert ist. Wir haben dann im Menschen als zweiten relativ selbständigen Organismus den Atmungs- und Zirkulationsrhythmus, den Rhythmus-Organismus. Und wir haben als dritten Organismus den Stoffwechsel-Gliedmaßen-Organismus, alles dasjenige, was beruht entweder auf den inneren Funktionen des Stoffwechsels oder auf dem Stoffwechselverbrauch in der äußeren menschlichen Beträtigung, die ja anfängt mit der Regung der menschlichen Gliedmaßen, wodurch der Stoffwechsel in Anspruch genommen wird. Wie gesagt, der Mensch ist eine Einheit, aber er ist es gerade dadurch, daß diese drei relativ selbständigen Glieder harmonisch ineinanderwirken. Und würde man an Stelle dieses organischen Zusammenwirkens wünschen, daß der Mensch eine abstrakte Einheit sein soll, so würde man eben etwas Törichtes wünschen. Jedes dieser Glieder hat seine eigenen Öffnungen nach der Außenwelt, die Sinne, die Atmungsöffnungen, die Ernährungsöffnung: relative Selbständigkeit. Und gerade durch diese relative Selbständigkeit wirken die Glieder in der richtigen Weise organisch harmonisch zusammen, indem jedes Glied seine ihm eigene spezifische Kraft entwickelt und dadurch ein Einheitliches entsteht. Wie gesagt, ich weiß, daß man durch Analogie nichts beweisen kann. Ich will auch dadurch nichts beweisen, sondern nur erläutern. Denn derjenige, der ebenso objektiv wie in dieser Physiologie die Dreigliederung des Menschen betrachtet, objektiv den sozialen Organismus betrachtet, wird finden, daß aus seinen ureigensten Qualitäten heraus der soziale Organismus erfordert eine selbständige, relativ selbständige Stellung des Wirtschaftsorganismus, des staatlich-politischen oder rechtlichen Organismus und des geistigen Organismus, in der Begrenzung, wie ich sie angedeutet habe.
Man hat vielfach mißverständlich dieser Dreigliederung des sozialen Organismus vorgeworfen, daß ja im Grunde genommen diese Trennung gar nicht stattfinden könne, daß zum Beispiel ins Wirtschaftsleben fortwährend die Rechtsverhältnisse hineinspielen, daß auch die geistigen Fähigkeiten hineinspielen und daß es daher ein Unding sei, eine Gliederung im Sinne dieser Dreiheit für den sozialen Organismus herbeiführen zu wollen.
Auch im menschlichen natürlichen Organismus wirken die drei Glieder eben zu einer Einheit zusammen, gerade dadurch, daß sie, ein jedes, in ihrer spezifischen Eigentümlichkeit sich auswirken können, und es ist durchaus so, daß auch der Nerven-Sinnes-Organismus ernährt wird, daß er seine besonderen Ernährungsvorgänge hat und daß dasjenige, was der Nerven-Sinnes-Organismus ist, auch seine Bedeutung für den Stoffwechsel-Organismus hat. Daß die drei Glieder dennoch relativ selbständig sind, das ergibt eine gesunde Physiologie.
Eine gesunde soziale Physiologie wird auch ergeben, daß gerade bei relativer Selbständigkeit jedes der drei einzelnen Gebiete — das Geistgebiet, dasjenige Gebiet, wo der Mensch einfach als Mensch dem anderen gegenübersteht, also das rechtlich-staatlich-politische Gebiet, und das wirtschaftliche Gebiet, wo der Mensch zu Assoziationen, zu Gemeinschaften in dem angedeuteten Sinne vorschreiten muß —, daß diese Gebiete, wenn sie relativ selbständig ihre ureigenen Qualitäten entwickeln, dann gerade im rechten Sinne zu einer Einheit zusammenwirken können. Es ist, was sich hier geltend macht, durchaus nicht eine Aufwärmung etwa der alten platonischen Dreigliederung: Lehrstand, Wehrstand, Nährstand, denn da sind die Menschen gegliedert nach drei Ständen. Von einer solchen Gliederung kann unserer gegenwärtigen Zeitlage gemäß nicht die Rede sein, sondern allein von einer Gliederung der Verwaltung, der äußeren Gestaltung der drei Gebiete des Lebens ist allein bei der Dreigliederung des sozialen Organismus die Rede.
Das geistige Gebiet soll durchaus aus seinen eigenen Grundlagen heraus verwaltet werden. Diejenigen, welche, sagen wir zum Beispiel, Lehrer sind, sie sollen zu gleicher Zeit die Verwalter des Unterrichtswesens sein, so daß wir also nicht getrennt haben auf der einen Seite die pädagogisch-didaktische Wissenschaft, und auf der anderen Seite die Vorschriften des politischen Organismus für den Unterricht. Aus dem, was pädagogisch-didaktische Wissenschaft ist, also unmittelbar aus dem Geistigen, muß alle Verwaltung auf dem Geistgebiete hervorgehen. Auf dem politisch-staatlichen Gebiete wird alles durch die Verständigung von Mensch zu Mensch in den entsprechenden Verwaltungs- und Verfassungskörperschaften hervorgehen können. Auf dem wirtschaftlichen Gebiete werden sich aus Gründen, die ja schon aus meinen heutigen Darlegungen hervorgehen, Assoziationen bilden müssen, in denen die Menschen als Wirtschaftssubjekte drinnen stehen. Diese Assoziationen auf wirtschaftlichem Gebiete, was müssen sie denn vorzugsweise für eine Aufgabe haben? Nun, bei der Gestaltung dieser Aufgabe kann sich gerade das Spezifische zeigen, das ich versucht habe darzustellen in meinen «Kernpunkten der sozialen Frage». In diesen «Kernpunkten der sozialen Frage» ist nirgends gesagt, so oder so sollen soziale Einrichtungen entstehen, das oder jenes ist das Allerbeste. Das würde für mich schon die Berührung mit einem Utopistischen sein. Denn wer das heutige Menschenleben kennt, der weiß, daß selbst wenn man die besten Theorien ausdenkt, die Lebenspraxis von diesen Theorien unendlich wenig hat. Ich bin sogar praktisch von folgendem überzeugt: Man kann, wenn man zwölf, oder weniger oder mehr, gar nicht besonders gescheite Leute zusammensetzt, wunderbare Programme über alles, sagen wir zum Beispiel über die Einrichtung der Volksschule, erhalten, Programme, gegen die gar nichts einzuwenden ist: Punkt 1, Punkt 2, Punkt 3. Wenn das alles Wirklichkeit würde, was da in Punkt 1, Punkt 2, Punkt 3 steht, es wäre geradezu eine ideale Schule da. Aber es kann nicht wirklich werden, weil der Mensch zwar das Idealste ausdenken kann; was sich aber verwirklichen läßt, hängt von ganz anderen Bedingungen ab.
Wir haben, und zwar soweit es in der heutigen Zeit möglich ist, versucht, in der Waldorfschule in Stuttgart etwas zu begründen, was nun gar nicht auf Programmen aufgebaut ist, was lediglich aus Pädagogik und Didaktik selbst herausfließt. Die Freie Waldorfschule hat eine Anzahl von Lehrern. Auch diese würden, obwohl ich sie deswegen nicht gerade rühmen möchte, wenn sie sich zusammensetzten, ideale Schulprogramme ersinnen können. Aber das wird uns erspart. Die Menschen, die lebendigen Menschen sind in der Lehrerschaft da. Und was die können, das beste, das man aus ihnen herausbringen kann, das soll entwickelt werden. Alle idealen Programme werden dabei abgewiesen, alle Vorschriften werden abgewiesen, alles wird in den unmittelbaren Impuls des individuellen Könnens gestellt. Keine Vorschrift beirrt denjenigen, der — und das ist eben die Aufgabe des individuellen, des persönlichen Menschen — aus Pädagogik und Didaktik, das heißt aus seinen eigenen Fähigkeiten heraus tätig eingreifen soll auf einem gewissen Gebiete des Geisteslebens.
Man kann selbstverständlich heute solche Dinge nur bis zu einem gewissen Grade ausführen. Aber im praktischen Leben läßt sich eben nirgends ein Ideal verwirklichen, sondern man muß das tun, was sich aus den Lebensmöglichkeiten heraus ergibt. Ebenso ist für alles übrige aus meinen «Kernpunkten der sozialen Frage» heraus verfahren. Nirgends ist der Versuch gemacht, zu zeigen, wie die einzelnen Einrichtungen sein sollen. Nicht als Forderung, nicht als Ideal, sondern als Beobachtung dessen, was der Mensch in seinem heutigen geschichtlichen Werden will, ist darauf aufmerksam gemacht, daß die Menschen — obwohl sie eben so sind, wie sie einmal sind —, auf ihren richtigen Platz gestellt, anders wirken könnten, als sie heute wirken. Ich gebe daher nicht wirkliche Gestaltungen, wie diese oder jene Einrichtung sein soll, sondern wende mich an die Menschen unmittelbar und sage: Wenn die Menschen in richtiger Weise zusammenwirken und in richtiger Weise die Gesichtspunkte finden, von denen aus sie die soziale Frage zu betrachten haben, dann wird das Beste entstehen, das entstehen kann. — Und ich glaube eben, daß die beste Gestaltung des sozialen Organismus aus dem Menschen heraus die ist, wenn jeder einzelne Mensch, ich möchte sagen, in gesonderter Körperschaft nachdenkt, wirkt und handelt auf dem Geistgebiete, auf dem Rechts- und Staats- oder politischen Gebiete, und auf dem Wirtschaftsgebiete. Jeder Mensch — nicht nach Ständen ist der soziale Organismus gegliedert —, jeder Mensch kann unter Umständen in allen drei Gebieten drinnen stehen, wenn er dazu die Kraft hat. Dasjenige, worauf es ankommt, ist nicht, daß dieser oder jener Mensch gerade auf diesem oder jenem Gebiete wirkt, sondern daß objektiv, abgesondert vom Menschen, diese drei Lebensgebiete selbständig aus ihren Grundbedingungen heraus verwaltet werden, so daß der Mensch in allen dreien oder in zweien oder in einem drinnen sein kann, aber jetzt verwaltet aus den Prinzipien dieses Gebietes heraus. Wer überdenkt, wie sich dadurch die Harmonie der drei Gebiete ergibt, der wird schon sehen, daß es gerade auf die Einheit bei dieser Dreigliederung ankommt, nicht auf die Trennung, wie man mißverständlich in den Kritiken und Besprechungen meint.
Und so handelt es sich ganz besonders im wirtschaftlichen Gebiete darum, daß die Dinge nicht gefunden werden sollen durch irgendwelche Festsetzungen, sagen wir, durch Studium der Statistik und dergleichen, sondern aus dem unmittelbaren Leben heraus. Ich will an ein Beispiel anknüpfen. Nicht wahr, jedermann weiß, daß ein Artikel, eine Ware im wirtschaftlichen Kreislauf zu billig wird, wenn eine zu große Anzahl von Menschen dasselbe produzieren, wenn eben zuviel produziert wird, und jeder Mensch weiß, daß eine Ware zu teuer wird, wenn zu wenige Menschen sie produzieren. Daran haben wir eine Richtschnur dafür, wo jene Mitte doch objektiv liegt, von der ich gesprochen habe. Diese Mitte, dieser objektive Wert, dieser objektive Preis, der kann nicht als solcher fixiert werden. Wenn aber Assoziationen entstehen, welche ihre Beschäftigung darinnen sehen, das wirtschaftliche Leben praktisch kennenzulernen, praktisch in jedem Augenblicke, in jeder Gegenwart zu studieren, dann kann die Hauptbeobachtung darin bestehen, wie Preise steigen, wie Preise fallen. Und es kann dadurch, daß Assoziationen sich mit diesem Steigen und Fallen der Preise befassen, durch Verhandlungen das erreicht werden, daß eine genügend große Anzahl von Menschen für eine wirtschaftliche Zusammengehörigkeit gebildet werde, eine genügend große Anzahl von Menschen sich mit einem Produktionszweig beschäftigt, daß man gewissermaßen durch Verhandlungen die rechte Anzahl von Menschen in einen Produktionszweig hineinbringt. Das läßt sich nicht theoretisch bestimmen, das läßt sich nur dadurch bestimmen, daß die Menschen an ihre richtige Stelle gestellt sind, daß also aus menschlichem Erleben heraus diese Dinge bestimmt werden. Daher kann man auch nicht sagen: Dies oder jenes ist der objektive Wert. Wenn aber Assoziationen in dieser Richtung im Wirtschaftsleben so arbeiten werden, daß sie es zu einer ihrer Obliegenheiten machen werden, Betriebe, die die Preise zu stark verbilligen nach den entsprechenden Bräuchen, allmählich abzubauen, andere dafür einzurichten, die anderes produzieren, dann werden sich genügend viele Menschen an den einzelnen Produktionszweigen beteiligen. Das kann nur durch ein wirkliches assoziatives Leben geschehen. Und dann wird sich das, was als Preis auftritt für irgendeine Ware, dem objektiven Preise nähern. So daß wir niemals sagen können: Aus diesen oder jenen Bedingungen heraus muß der objektive Preis so oder so sein, sondern nur sagen können: Wenn die richtige menschliche Assoziation entsteht, so kann durch ihre Arbeit im unmittelbaren Leben des sozialen Organismus der richtige Preis allmählich herauskommen. — Nicht darum handelt es sich, anzugeben, wie Institutionen sein sollen, damit das sozial Richtige geschehe, sondern darum handelt es sich, die Menschen in eine solche soziale Verbindung zu bringen, daß aus dem Zusammenwirken der Menschen die allmähliche Lösung der sozialen Fragen entstehe. Denn wer die soziale Frage richtig versteht, kann sie nicht als eine solche ansehen, die einmal heraufgekommen ist und durch irgendeine Utopie gelöst werden könnte, sondern die soziale Frage ist ein Ergebnis des neuzeitlichen Zusammenwirkens, wird eigentlich immer mehr in alle Zukunft vorhanden sein. Dasjenige aber, was obliegt, ist, daß die Menschen von ihrem wirtschaftlichen Gesichtspunkte aus die sozialen Strömungen verfolgen, und aus Assoziationen heraus, in denen allein ein wirtschaftliches Urteil entstehen kann, das wirtschaftliche Leben nun nicht durch Gesetze, sondern eben aus dem unmittelbaren Leben heraus, durch unmittelbares menschliches Verhandeln in die richtigen Bahnen bringen. Praktisch auf das Menschliche gestellt soll das soziale Leben werden.
Also nicht darauf gehen die «Kernpunkte der sozialen Frage», irgendeine soziale Struktur zu schildern, sondern darauf gehen sie, anzudeuten, wie die Menschen in ein Verhältnis gebracht werden sollen, damit diese Menschen in ihrem Zusammenwirken von Zeitpunkt zu Zeitpunkt das tun, was die soziale Frage nun nicht in dem Sinne, wie man es manchmal erträumt, löst, sondern in das richtige Fahrwasser bringt. Diese Assoziationen, sie werden es also vorzugsweise, wie man schon daraus sieht, zu tun haben mit dem eigentlichen Wirtschaftsleben. Im eigentlichen Wirtschaftsleben zirkulieren Waren. Daher werden die Assoziationen vorzugsweise aus dem unmittelbaren Leben heraus die Tendenz zu gestalten haben nach dem richtigen Preise, so daß jeder tatsächlich aus seinem eigenen Erzeugen heraus dasjenige auch kaufen kann, was ihn versorgt. Ich habe einmal versucht, in eine Formel zu bringen, wie ein solcher gerechter Preis sich ausnehmen werde. Das ist natürlich nicht gemeint, daß er abstrakt bestimmt werden soll. Bestimmt wird er, wie ich angedeutet habe, aus dem wirklichen Leben heraus. Aber ich habe gesagt: Ein solcher Preis für irgendein Erzeugnis im sozialen Leben, also für eine Ware, ist der, der dem Menschen die Möglichkeit gibt, für sich und seine Familie den Lebensunterhalt und alle seine Bedürfnisse zu besorgen, bis er wiederum ein gleiches Produkt hervorgebracht hat.
Das stelle ich nicht als ein Dogma hin. Ich sage nicht: Das soll so sein, denn man würde es niemals ausführen können, weil man solche Theorien nicht in die Wirklichkeit einführen kann, sondern ich sage bloß, was sich als richtiger Preis ergibt durch das assoziative Zusammenwirken, das wird nach dieser Richtung hin tendieren. Ich will also gerade ein Resultat angeben. Nicht will ich ein Dogma, irgendein wirtschaftliches Dogma aufstellen. Und gerade darauf kommt es meiner Überzeugung nach beim heutigen wirtschaftlichen Denken an, daß man es überall auf menschliche Grundlagen stellt, daß man wiederum erkenne, inwiefern der Mensch überall der Motor des wirtschaftlichen Lebens sein muß, daß man nicht daran denkt, durch bloße, aus den Gedanken heraus, aus den Theorien heraus zu gestaltende Einrichtungen irgendwie einen sozialen Organismus zu gestalten, sondern daß man versucht, herauszubekommen, wie das Zusammenleben der Menschen sein soll, damit das Richtige entsteht.
Ich möchte dies noch durch folgende Analogie klarmachen. Auf dem Naturgebiete gibt es dies: daß in den Voraussetzungen, in den Bedingungen, die durch die Menschen geschaffen werden, zwar etwas liegt, was aus dem elementaren Empfinden des Menschen herauskommt, was aber nicht darauf ausgeht, irgend etwas, was sich draußen im sozialen Leben gestaltet, zu fixieren. Man hat nämlich in der neuesten Zeit viel davon gesprochen, wie die embryonale Entwickelung des Menschen beeinflußt werden könnte, so daß man es in einem gewissen Sinne in seiner Willkür hätte, Knaben oder Mädchen in die Welt zu setzen. Nun, ich will natürlich über diese Frage heute nicht theoretisch reden, aber ich betrachte es als ein Glück, wenn diese Frage nicht restlos praktisch gelöst wird, denn obwohl die Menschen nicht abstrakt festlegen können, wie die beste Verteilung von männlichem und weiblichem Geschlecht in der Welt ist, so entsteht diese doch annähernd, ohne daß die Menschen etwas dazutun können. Es gibt eben objektive Gesetzmäßigkeiten, die dann entstehen, wenn der Mensch aus ganz anderen Bedingungen heraus einfach das tut, was seinen elementaren Impulsen entspricht. Und so wird auch, wenn die Assoziationen in der richtigen Weise und aus den Erkenntnissen des Lebens heraus wirken, ohne daß man dogmatisch vorausnimmt, so oder so muß der gerechte Preis sein, dieser Preis durch das assoziative Wirken entstehen. Ich nenne es assoziatives Wirken, weil gewahrt werden soll die menschliche Individualität im Assoziieren, das heißt im Vereinigen der Kräfte des einen mit der Kraft des anderen bleibt die Individualität vorhanden. In den Koalitionen, in den Genossenschaften geht die Individualität unter. Das ist dasjenige, was ins reale, nicht ins dogmatische wirtschaftliche Denken meiner Überzeugung nach hineinführen kann.
Und man kann sich andere Aufgaben dieser Assoziationen denken. Wenn wir wiederum die Analogie mit dem menschlichen Organismus ins Auge fassen, so können wir sagen: An diesem oder jenem Symptom bemerken wir, daß der menschliche Organismus krank ist. Aus einem Symptomkomplex heraus können wir eine Anschauung über die Krankheit, über den Krankheitsprozeß gewinnen. Ganz ähnlich ist es mit dem sozialen Organismus. Wir sehen heute deutliche Krankheitssymptome im sozialen Organismus. Assoziationen sind das Gesundende. Assoziationen wirken auf Harmonisierung der Interessen hin, so daß die Produzenten- und die Konsumenteninteressen durch das Zusammenwirken in der Assoziation harmonisiert werden, daß andere Interessen harmonisiert werden, daß vor allen Dingen die Interessen zwischen den Arbeitsleitern und Arbeitnehmern harmonisiert werden. Wir sehen heute, wie aus einem kranken Wirtschaftskörper heraus das Gegenteil des assoziativen Lebens entsteht, wir sehen, wie entstehen passive Resistenz, Aussperrung und Ausstand, Sabotage bis zu Aufständen. Niemand, der gesund denkt, kann anders denken, als daß das alles in der entgegengesetzten Richtung des assoziativen Prinzips wirkt, und daß dieses alles, Sabotage, Aussperrungen, Aufstand und so weiter, Krankheitssymptome des sozialen Organismus sind, die überwunden werden müssen durch das, was harmonisierend wirkt. Dazu braucht man aber eine wirklich sinngemäße Gestaltung dieses sozialen Organismus, so wie der menschliche natürliche, dreigegliederte Organismus sinnvoll gestaltet ist.
Und jetzt komme ich auf das zurück, was ich gesagt habe, daß Grund und Boden und Kapital selber durchaus nicht kommensurabel sind mit der Ware, denn deren Wert unterliegt den menschlichen Fähigkeiten. Haben wir ein abstrakt Einheitliches, wie es sich in der neueren Zeit immer mehr und mehr herausgebildet hat, das aber auch die Krankheitssymptome von der geschilderten Art und noch andere enthält, dann treibt es eben durch dieses abstrakte Einheitliche dahin, daß auch der Boden, auch das Kapital, zuletzt auch die Arbeit in gleicher Weise bewertet wird wie die Ware.
Hat man einen dreigegliederten sozialen Organismus, so wirkt auf dem Gebiet des geistigen Lebens die Individualität, wirken die Kräfte der Individualität. Alles dasjenige daher, was mit der Entfaltung der Individualität im Wirtschaftsleben zusammenhängen muß, was also mit Grund und Boden und Kapital zusammenhängt, das muß eigentlich sinngemäß eingegliedert sein dem geistigen Teil des sozialen Organismus. Daher habe ich geschildert, wie allerdings die Verwaltung des Kapitals, wie die Verwaltung von Grund und Boden im geistigen Teil des sozialen Organismus vor sich zu gehen hat. Derjenige, der nun kritisiert, ich würde die drei Gebiete zerreißen, der achtet gar nicht darauf, daß — wie ich selbst es schilderte — der geistige Organismus, der eben auf die individuelle Kraft aufgebaut ist, die Verwaltung des Kapitals, die Verwaltung des Grund und Bodens von selbst übernimmt, wenn die Menschen an ihre richtige Stelle gestellt sind. Das aber, was als Arbeit auftritt im sozialen Organismus, ist eine Leistung, die der Mensch dem Menschen leistet, das ist etwas, was nimmermehr gedeihen kann, wenn es im bloßen Wirtschaftsleben drinnen steht. Daher gehört, was Regelung der Arbeit ist, in den Rechtsstaat, in den politischen Staat. Und es wird gerade dadurch, daß aus ganz anderen Untergründen heraus als heute Zeit und Maß der Arbeit aus den Verhältnissen von Mensch zu Mensch, abgesondert von den wirtschaftlichen Verträgen, die im Wirtschaftsleben durch die Assoziationen bestimmt werden, geregelt werden können, etwas eintreten, was von außerordentlicher Wichtigkeit sein wird: Es wird das wirtschaftliche Leben dadurch auf eine gesunde Basis gestellt, daß es auf der einen Seite die Natur mit ihren Bedingungen hat, auf der anderen Seite den Menschen mit seinen Bedingungen.
Es wäre ganz gewiß sehr sonderbar, wenn wir uns heute in einem kleinen Komitee zusammensetzen und darüber nachdenken würden, wieviele Regentage im Jahre 1922 sein müssen, damit die wirtschaftlichen Angelegenheiten wunschgemäß verlaufen. Die Natur muß man hinnehmen, und erst auf Grundlage der hingenommenen Natur kann das Wirtschaftsleben aufgebaut werden. Das ist auf der einen Seite. Im dreigliedrigen sozialen Organismus steht auf der anderen Seite vom Wirtschaftsleben, von auf sich selbst gestellten, relativ selbständigen, bis zur Gestaltung des Geldwesens relativ selbständigen Assoziationen der Mensch dem Menschen gegenüber als Mensch, nicht als Wirtschaftssubjekt, und als Mensch bildet er aus die Gesetze der Arbeit. Und jetzt wird man auch nicht aus wirtschaftlichen Gründen heraus, aus denen nur die Warenpreise, die gegenseitigen Wertverhältnisse der Ware, also rein Wirtschaftliches sich feststellen soll, jetzt wird man nicht aus wirtschaftlichen Erfordernissen heraus die menschliche Arbeit bestimmen, wie man nicht aus wirtschaftlichen Verhältnissen heraus die Ertragsamkeit der Natur bestimmen kann. Dann aber erst wird man das Wirtschaftsleben ebenso auf rein menschliche wie auf rein natürliche Verhältnisse gestellt haben.
Es wird dann allerdings nicht eine Utopie sich verwirklichen können. Allein was würde man denn davon haben, wenn man nachdenken wollte darüber, wie der Mensch besser gestaltet sein könnte, als er nun einmal ist? Man kann ja doch nur ihn studieren, wie er ist. Daher kann gesagt werden, daß es ja ganz schön sein kann, von irgendwelchen Zukunftswelten zu reden, in denen es dem Menschen wünschenswert gut gehe, aber es ist fruchtlos; denn man kann alles mögliche ausdenken, wie der soziale Organismus gestaltet werden soll. Das kann aber niemals die Frage sein. Die Frage kann lediglich die sein: Wie ist er möglich? Wie müssen seine Glieder zusammenwirken, damit er nicht der beste, sondern der durch seine eigenen Kräfte mögliche sei, der mit möglichst wenig Krankheitssymptomen in dem angedeuteten Sinne begabt, in möglichst gesunder Weise sich entwickele?
Man wird vielleicht, wie ich meine, nach und nach, gerade wenn man aus einer wirklichen Erkenntnis der sozialen Lebensbedingungen heraus sich verständigen will, zu einer Verständigung kommen können über diese Kardinalfrage des Wirtschaftslebens, die ich angedeutet habe, die in meinen ganzen Ausführungen gelebt hat, und die ich nicht abstrakt dogmatisch formelhaft feststellen will. Heute aber entstehen unsere furchtbarsten Kämpfe, die das Wirtschaftsleben zermürben, doch schließlich daraus, daß man nicht mit demselben guten Willen das Wirtschaftsleben studiert, seine Bedingungen innerhalb des sozialen Organismus verfolgt, wie man das etwa in bezug auf den natürlichen Organismus tut. Und erst wenn man, in bezug auf den sozialen Organismus, ebenso vorgehen lernt wie in Biologie, in Physiologie und in der Therapie, dann wird man erkennen, welche Möglichkeiten vorliegen, und dann werden die Fragen, die man heute die sozialen nennt, erst in der richtigen Weise gestellt werden können. Damit werden sie auf das Menschliche zurückgebracht werden können. Daher scheint mir das Allerwichtigste, daß zunächst möglichst viele Köpfe und Sinne gewonnen werden für ein solches naturgemäßes Verständnis des sozialen Organismus, für ein solches Verständnis, das den sozialen Organismus nach Gesundheit und Krankheit zu betrachten vermag, wie die Naturwissenschaft es versucht in bezug auf den menschlichen Organismus. Und man kann, wie ich glaube, heute erkennen, daß in der Tat auch in bezug auf die Kardinalfrage des Wirtschaftslebens gesagt werden muß, daß die Dreigliederung des sozialen Organismus in die Gebiete des reinen Wirtschaftslebens, des Rechts- oder Staats- oder politischen Lebens, und des geistigen Gebietes das richtige Licht werfen kann. Denn nicht getrennt sollen die drei Gebiete werden, sondern jedes soll gerade dadurch mit den anderen harmonisch zusammenwirken können, daß es in relativer Selbständigkeit seine starken Kräfte entwickeln kann.
Und die Kardinalfrage des Wirtschaftslebens ist diese: Wie muß in bezug auf Kapital, Grund und Boden, Bemessung und Bewertung der menschlichen Arbeit, das Staatsleben und Geistesleben in das reine Wirtschaftsleben selbständig hineinwirken, damit im Wirtschaftsleben durch die Ausgestaltung der Assoziationen zwar nicht ein irdisches Paradies, aber ein möglicher sozialer Organismus geschaffen werde? — Und man kann glauben, daß, wenn in so naturgemäßer Weise erst gedacht wird über die Frage, dann eine solche Frage, die man wohl die Kardinalfrage des Wirtschaftslebens nennen muß, erst in der richtigen, lebensgemäßen, praktischen Weise wird gestellt werden können. Und im Leben ist es meistens so, daß die größten Fehler gemacht werden nicht dadurch, daß man falsche Lösungen anstrebt — es sind in der Regel Utopien —, sondern dadurch, daß man schon die Frage falsch stellt, daß man die Fragen nicht aus der wirklichen Lebensbeobachtung und wirklichen Lebenserkenntnis heraus stellt. Das aber scheint mir heute die bedeutsamste Frage gerade des Wirtschaftslebens zu sein, daß die Fragen richtig gestellt werden und daß das Leben so gestaltet werde, daß nun nicht theoretische Antworten kommen, sondern daß das Leben, die volle menschliche und geschichtliche Wirklichkeit selbst, die Antworten gibt auf die richtig gestellten Fragen. Die Fragen werden aus den geschichtlichen Untergründen heraus gestellt, das Leben muß unmittelbar wirklich die Antwort geben. Keine Theorie kann diese Antwort geben, sondern allein die volle praktische Wirklichkeit des Lebens.
The Cardinal Question of Economic Life
First of all, I would like to thank the esteemed chairman for his kind words and ask you to bear in mind, above all, that I am deeply gratified to be able to present here some guidelines from the social endeavors to which I have devoted a large part of my time. However, I must immediately apologize for this, because discussing social issues today is an extremely difficult matter. In a short lecture, one can really only give a few guidelines and perhaps some suggestions, and I ask you to bear this in mind. Perhaps the opinion might exist that someone who is essentially dedicated to the popularization and dissemination of anthroposophical spiritual science, when he ventures into social areas, can only put forward ideas that are out of touch with reality, perhaps fanciful or even utopian. However, what has emerged for me from an anthroposophical way of thinking about social issues differs from much of what is currently being said in this direction, perhaps in that it seeks to address the practicalities of life and actually rejects the discussion of more or less social theories.
Over the course of decades, I myself have gained a view of the social question from a wide variety of backgrounds, and I would like to outline some guidelines for this today, based on my direct observation of social life. From this, I have gained the view that our social question, and in particular the economic question, is today, in essence, a very general human one. When studied in a realistic, non-theoretical way, it reveals itself to be a question that is not actually based on economic considerations at all, but rather arises in such a volcanic manner in the present for purely human reasons. And it will only be possible to approach this question in a practical sense if the solution—of course, we can only talk about an attempt at a partial solution—is approached from a purely human point of view. And here I will first have to describe something quite different from the cardinal economic question that one usually expects. Indeed, since life is richer than theories and ideas, I will not even be able to answer this cardinal economic question in a short sentence, but I will be able to present it more as something that runs through my current reflections.
But if I would like to state a completely abstract point of view from the outset, it is that we live in a time in which, to a high degree, people are alienated from life in general and economic life in particular by what they think and what they develop as principles. This view has been reinforced in my mind in particular by the fact that I have worked for years as a teacher among the proletarian working class, in a wide variety of fields of knowledge and instruction, both in the field of history and in the field of economic issues. Above all, I was able to get to know the modern proletariat in its everyday life because I had the privilege of teaching workers and conducting exercises in public speaking for many years. This is how you learn how people think and how they feel. And when you know that, above all, the economic question today depends on bringing the proletariat back to work in a way that meets the economic needs of humanity, then you are first compelled to look at economic issues from this human perspective. And it has become clear to me that when one tries to arouse interest in this or that among the proletariat today, the actual concrete economic issues, the understanding of really practical economic life, basically find no interest at all among the proletariat. People are completely uninterested in concrete individual economic issues. What lives in the proletariat today—and this proletariat I am talking about includes millions of people in international life today—is purely an economic, abstract theory, but indeed an abstract theory that forms the very substance of life in this proletariat. The proletarian worker is basically very alien to his work, that is, to the actual content of his work. He is indifferent to what he works on. He is only interested in how he is treated in his company, and when he talks about this treatment, he speaks from a very general, abstract point of view. He is interested in the relationship between his wage and the profit generated by the products he helps to manufacture, while the quality of his products is completely outside the scope of his interests. I have tried, especially in proletarian education, to use history and natural science to arouse interest in specific branches of manufacturing and industry. But all this is something that does not interest the proletarian as such. He is interested in the position of the classes, the class struggle, he is interested in what he calls surplus value, which I do not need to characterize here. They are interested in the development of economic life, insofar as they attribute to it the causes of all human historical life, and they are actually talking about a theoretical realm that is completely above what they are involved in from morning to night, and they want to shape reality according to this. And it can be said that what he recognizes as his theory of economic life also stems from a theoretical perspective. Most proletarians today are more or less modified or original Marxists, that is, followers of a theory that does not actually deal with the conditions of economic life as such, but rather works in the direction I have just characterized.
Today, this can be experienced within broad circles of the proletariat through practical interaction with this proletariat, through effectiveness among the proletariat. But in a certain sense, this is only a reflection of the increasing alienation of purely human interests from the interests of practical life in recent centuries. One might say that the increasing complexity of our economic life has caused a kind of numbness, so that it is no longer possible to immerse oneself in the individual, increasingly complex areas of economic life with what one considers to be ethically good, with what one considers to be right. But if one does not speak from practical experience, but proceeds from general abstract points of view, then what one always sets forth as demands and principles hardly touches upon what constitutes the work of the day, the tasks of the day.
As I have been able to illustrate this to you from my own life experience, it can also be corroborated by all kinds of examples from historical life. I would like to give a grotesque example of what I mean. In 1884, Bismarck said in the German Reichstag, while laying the foundation for his further treatment of the cardinal economic question, that he recognized the right of every human being to work. And he then addressed the members of the Reichstag, saying: Provide every healthy person with work that will feed them, ensure that those who are sick or weak are cared for by the community, ensure that the elderly are cared for, and you can be sure that the proletariat will desert its proletarian leaders, that the social democratic theories that are being spread will no longer find any followers. — Well, that was said by Bismarck, who admitted in his memoirs that he had had republican tendencies in his youth, but whom you will certainly recognize as a true monarchist, whom you will certainly not attribute to having agreed, for example, when a proletarian assembly ended with a cheer for international social democracy.
I would like to point out another personality who said almost the same thing in almost the same words, but who, with his whole attitude, with his whole human sensibility, stood on a different, generally human ground. That is Robespierre. Robespierre, in writing his “Human Rights” in 1793, said roughly the same thing, no, I would say, said exactly the same thing that Bismarck said in the German Reichstag in 1884: It is the duty of the community to provide work for every healthy person, to care for the sick and weak on behalf of the community, and to provide for the elderly when they can no longer work.
The same sentences from Robespierre and Bismarck, certainly on very different human ground! And there is a third point that is also worth adding: when Bismarck uttered his “Robespierre words” — which he certainly did not learn from Robespierre — he referred to the fact that these demands had already been included in Prussian law since 1794. Well, one certainly cannot conclude from this that Prussian law, one year after Robespierre had written the “Human Rights,” and one certainly cannot judge that the Prussian state had sought to implement Robespierre's ideas for almost a century in accordance with its Landrecht when Bismarck recently made this demand in 1884. This raises the question, in light of the historical facts: How is it that two such different people as Robespierre and Bismarck can say literally the same thing, yet both certainly imagine that the social milieu they want to create is completely different?
I can only see it this way: today, when we talk about the concrete issues of life, which have become complicated in recent centuries, we speak in such strong abstractions that we all, Bismarck on the right, on the extreme right, Robespierre on the extreme left, actually harmonize with each other in terms of general principles. We all find ourselves in agreement on general principles. In life, however, we immediately begin to fall into extreme disharmony, precisely because our general principles are so far removed from what we have to do in detail every day. Today, when it comes to practical life, we have no way of actually implementing what we think in general in detail. And what is most abstract is what appears in proletarian theory today as an economic demand, for the reasons I have tried to characterize.
This is the situation we are faced with today. And it must be said that this situation has arisen as a result of the entire development of modern times. We see how that part of economic life which we regard as the production process has become increasingly diverse due to the complexity of technical life. And if I want to describe it in a word that has already become a catchphrase—but one must use such words—we see that production has become increasingly collectivist.
What, then, can the individual actually achieve today within our social organism in the life of production? He is everywhere involved in what must be done in community with others. Our mode of production has become so complicated that the individual is caught up in a great production mechanism. Production has become collectivistic. This is what the proletarian sees, and in his economically fatalistic view, he expects that collectivism will become stronger and stronger, that more and more branches of production will merge, and that the time will come when the international proletariat itself will be able to take over this production. This is what the proletarian is waiting for. He thus succumbs to the great error that collectivism in production is a natural necessity—for he perceives economic necessity almost as a natural necessity— and that this collectivism should be further expanded, that above all the proletariat is called upon to take the seats occupied by today's producers, and that what has become collectivist should now be administered collectivistically. We can see how strongly the proletariat clings to such an idea out of its economic interest in the sad results of the economic experiment in the East, for there, so to speak — though not in the way the proletarian theorists had dreamed, but as a result of the war — an attempt was made to shape economic life in this sense. We can already see today, and we will see more and more in the future, that this experiment—quite apart from its ethical or other values, or the sympathies or antipathies it may inspire—will fail miserably due to its own internal destructive forces and bring untold misery upon humanity.
Production is contrasted with consumption. But consumption can never become collectivist on its own. In consumption, the individual is fundamentally represented as an individuality by natural necessity. The needs of overall consumption arise from the personality of the human being, from the human individual. Therefore, alongside the collectivism of production, the individualism of consumption remained. And the gulf between production, striving for collectivism, and the interests of consumption, which were asserting themselves ever more vehemently, precisely because of the contrast, became ever more stark and ever deeper. For those who can see through today's life with an unbiased eye, it is no longer an abstraction, but rather the terrible disharmony in which we find ourselves is based precisely on the imbalance that has developed today between the impulses of production and the needs of consumption.
However, one can only comprehend the whole misery that prevails in this regard today, even in the deepest minds of people, if one has immersed oneself not through study, but through decades of practical experience in the areas of life from which this disharmony has arisen. And it is really not from any principles, not from theoretical considerations, but from these life experiences that what I have written down in my book “The Key Points of the Social Question” has emerged. It was far from my mind to attempt some kind of utopian solution to the social question based on this life experience. However, I had to learn that people's thinking today quite involuntarily tends toward the utopian side. Of course, I had to summarize what I had learned from the great diversity of life, which I would have preferred to discuss in individual concrete examples, I had to summarize it in general statements, which in turn are compiled in the catchphrase “threefold social order.” But what is in there had to be exemplified by at least a few guidelines. It was necessary to say how one thinks things should be taken in hand. That is why I gave a few examples of how the development of capitalism should continue, how the labor question should be regulated, and so on. I tried to give concrete, individual hints. Well, I have participated in many discussions about these “Key Points of the Social Question,” and I have always found that people, in their utopian thinking today, always ask: Yes, but how will this or that be in the future? — They have based their questions on the hints I have given about individual points, but I never meant these to be anything other than examples. In real life, it is the case that whatever you do, whatever you set up to the best of your knowledge, you can put it into reality in some form, but of course you could also do it differently. Reality is not such that only a single theory fits it. Of course, one could also do everything differently. But the utopian wants to have everything characterized in detail in a slogan-like manner. And so these “key points of the social question” have often been interpreted by others in a utopian sense. They have often been transformed into utopias, even though they are not in the least meant to be utopian, but have emerged from an observation of what has resulted from collectivism in the production process, from the view that there is now a certain necessity on the part of production to sail into this collectivism, but that, on the other hand, all the power of production depends on the abilities of the human individual.
Thus, precisely from the observation of modern production, it became terribly clear to the mind's eye that the basic impulse that must underlie all production, personal ability, is in a sense absorbed by the collectivism that has arisen and continues to arise from the economic forces themselves. On the one hand, we were confronted with the tendency of economic life, and on the other hand, with the obvious demand to bring the individual powers of each human personality to bear within economic life. And it is incumbent upon us to think about the social organism in terms of how this fundamental requirement of economic progress—the cultivation of individual abilities—can exist in the face of production processes that are becoming increasingly complex purely due to technical circumstances. On the one hand, this is what comes to mind so vividly: real economic progress and the necessary demands that must be made on economic life in order for it to flourish.
On the other hand, everything we call today's social question does not, in fact, arise from production interests. When collectivism is sought in the field of production, this actually results from the technical possibilities of economic life, and also from technical necessities. What is commonly called the social question is actually raised entirely out of consumer interests, which in turn can only be based on human individuality. And the strange fact emerges that — even if something else appears to be happening — the call for socialization is spreading throughout the world out of pure consumer interests. This can also be seen when one follows the discussions and life in practice. I saw this in the lectures I began to give in April 1919, which were repeated again and again, and in the subsequent discussions, how unsympathetic those who are involved in practical economic life as producers or entrepreneurs are to the discussion of what is called the social question, in the sense in which it is preached out of consumer interests.
On the other hand, as is basically the case wherever the call for socialism arises, only consumer interests are taken into account. So that here, precisely in the ideals of socialism, individualism has an effective influence as an impulse of the will. Basically, all those who are socialist strive for socialism out of entirely individual emotions. And the striving for socialism is basically only a theory that floats above what individual emotions are. But on the other hand, a very serious consideration of what has developed more and more in our economic life, also over centuries, reveals the full meaning of what is commonly summarized in national economics and political economy under the name of division of labor.
I am convinced that an extraordinary amount of insightful things have been written and said about this division of labor, but I do not believe that its full significance for practical economic life has been thought through to its ultimate consequences. I do not believe this because otherwise one would have to realize that, fundamentally, it follows logically from the principle of the division of labor that no one in a social organism in which the division of labor is fully implemented can actually produce anything for themselves anymore. Today, we still see the last remnants of self-production, particularly when we consider small farms. There we see that those who produce actually retain what is necessary for their own needs and those of their families. And what is the effect of this, that they can still be providers for their own needs, so to speak? The effect is that they actually produce in a completely incorrect manner within a social organism that is otherwise based on the division of labor. Anyone who makes their own skirt today, or who provides for themselves with food grown on their own land, is actually providing for themselves too expensively, because the division of labor means that every product is cheaper than it would be if you made it yourself. One need only reflect on this fact to see that its ultimate consequence is that, basically, no one today can produce in such a way that their labor somehow flows into the product of their production. And yet it is strange that Karl Marx, for example, treats the product as crystallized labor. But that is least of all the case today. Today, the product's value—and that is the only thing that matters in economic life—is determined least of all by labor. It is determined by its usefulness, that is, by consumer interests, by its usefulness within the social organism based on the division of labor.
All this raises the big questions of the present day in the economic sphere. And from these questions it has become clear to me that, at this point in human development, we are simply faced with the necessity of shaping the social organism in such a way that it increasingly reveals its three natural components. And as one of these three members, I must first recognize intellectual life, which is essentially based on human abilities. When I speak of the threefold social organism, I do not only include the more or less abstract intellectual life or spiritual life in the spiritual realm, but I include everything in the spiritual realm that is based on human, intellectual, or physical abilities. I must emphasize this explicitly, otherwise the limitation of the spiritual realm in the threefold social organism could be completely misunderstood. Even those who only do manual labor need a certain skill for this manual labor, and they need various other things as well, which in this respect do not make the individual appear as a member of the purely economic realm, but as a member of the spiritual realm.
The other sphere of the social organism is that of pure economic activity. In pure economic activity, one is concerned only with production, consumption, and the circulation between production and consumption. But this means nothing other than that in pure economic life one is concerned only with the circulation of the goods produced, which, as they circulate, become commodities; one is concerned with the circulation of commodities. A good that acquires a certain value within the social organism through its use, which then affects its price, is, in the sense in which I must understand it, its commodity.
But now the next question arises. Of course, I can only hint at the things I want to suggest in accordance with the guidelines, otherwise the discussion would become much too long. It now follows that everything that is a commodity can have a real objective value in the context not only of economic life, but of social life as a whole. Simply by virtue of what a product means within consumer life, it acquires a certain value that has an entirely objective significance. I must now discuss what I mean by the term “objective significance.”
By “objective significance,” I do not mean that the value of a commodity, of which I am now speaking, can be directly determined by statistics or the like. The circumstances from which a commodity derives its value are far too complicated and far too diverse for that. But apart from what we can initially know about it, every commodity has a very specific value outside our knowledge. If a commodity has a certain price on the market, this price may be too high or too low for its real objective value, or it may correspond to it. But as insignificant as the price that we encounter externally may be—because it can be distorted by other circumstances—it is equally true that if we were able to specify all the thousands upon thousands of individual conditions under which goods are produced and consumed, we would be able to specify the objective value of a commodity. This shows that what is a commodity has a very special place in economic life. What I now call objective economic value can only be applied to commodities; it cannot be applied to anything else that today has a similar place in our economic life as commodities. It cannot be applied to land, and it cannot be applied to capital.
I don't want to be misunderstood. You will never hear me talk about the characteristics of capitalism, for example, as they are so often discussed today and as they emerge from all kinds of slogans. It is so obvious that there is no need to elaborate further that nothing can be achieved in today's economic life without capital, and that railing against capitalism is simply economic dilettantism. So what I have to say now about capital and land is not what one so often hears today, but something else. If one can say of every commodity that its price is above or below a middle value that cannot be readily determined but which objectively exists and is the only healthy value, even though it cannot be recognized at first, one cannot say the same of something that is treated today as a commodity: land. The price of land, the value of land, is today subject to what can be called human speculation, what can be called anything but social impulses. And there is no objectivity for setting a price or value in the economic sense for land. This is because once a commodity exists—regardless of whether it is good or bad, if it is good, it is useful, if it is bad, it is useless—it can determine its own objective value through the nature and intensity of the demand for it.
This cannot be said of land, nor can it be said of capital. In the case of land and capital, the way in which they contribute, the way in which they fit into the overall social and economic context, depends entirely on human capabilities. They are never something finished. If I have any land to manage, I can only manage it according to my abilities, and its value is therefore something entirely variable. The same applies to the capital I have to manage. Anyone who studies this fact in its full significance in practical terms will have to say that this radical difference between a commodity on the one hand and land and capital on the other does indeed exist. And it follows from this that certain symptoms that appear in our economic life and that clearly appear to us as symptoms of disease in the social organism must be thought of in some connection with what results in economic life from the fact that, in practice, the same money, that is, with the same valuation, treats what is actually not commensurable at all, that is, that one lumps together and brings into exchange, into economic interaction, via the detour of money, things that are completely different in their inner essence and should therefore also be treated differently in economic life.
And if we now study further in practical terms how equal treatment, so to speak, paying with the same money for goods, i.e., consumer goods, as well as for land and capital, which, as everyone who is familiar with economic life knows, has basically also become an object of trade, has actually entered our social organism, if we ask ourselves how this actually came about and if we trace the historical development of humanity, we see that three areas of life, which basically have very different roots and are connected in social life only through the individual human being, interact inorganically in our social organism today. Firstly, there is the spiritual realm, the realm in which human abilities are exercised, abilities that humans actually bring to Earth from other worlds, abilities that lie in their predispositions, in what they can learn from these predispositions, abilities that are entirely individual and that develop all the more intensely the more the individuality of each human being can come to the fore in social life. One may be a materialist or whatever, but one must say: what is active in this realm is brought into this world by human beings through birth; it is something that, from the physical dexterity of the manual worker to the highest expressions and revelations of inventive power, is entirely dependent on the individuality of the human being if it is to flourish.
Something else is at work in the field of economic life. I would like to discuss what I have to say about this by means of a fact. You all know that at a certain time in the 19th century, the ideal of a uniform gold currency arose here and there. Anyone who follows what practical economists, economic theorists, and parliamentarians said at the time when people here and there were striving for the gold standard — and I say this without any irony — will find it extraordinarily ingenious. One is often deeply impressed by the wit that was expressed in parliaments, chambers of commerce, and other communities, and by what was written about the gold standard and its benefits for economic life. The one thing that has been said and emphasized by the most important people, or at least by many of the most important people, is that the gold standard will lead to the flourishing of economically beneficial free trade everywhere, and that politically damaging political borders will lose their economic significance. And the reasons, the evidence that has been put forward for such claims, are extraordinarily ingenious. And what has actually happened? In reality, what has happened is that precisely in those areas where it was expected that economic barriers would fall as a result of the gold standard, these barriers have nevertheless proved to be necessary, or at least have been emphasized as necessary by many. Real economic life has produced the opposite of what the most intelligent people predicted on the basis of theoretical considerations.
This is a very important historical fact, which is not too far behind us, from which we should draw the necessary conclusions. And what are these necessary conclusions? They are those that always arise when one looks at real economic practice: that in the realm of actual economic life, which consists of the production, circulation, and consumption of goods—let me express the paradox, I consider it a truth that really arises from unbiased observation—the individual's intelligence is of no use at all. No matter how intelligent one may be, no matter how intelligently one may reflect on economic life, no matter how conclusive the evidence may be, it will not prove true in economic life. Why is that? Because economic life cannot be comprehended by the considerations of the individual, but because economic experience and economic understanding can only arrive at valid judgments through communication between those who are interested in economic life in various ways. Individuals can never arrive at a concise judgment, even with the help of statistics, about how the economy should be run, but only through communication, say, between consumers and producers who unite in societies, whereby one tells the other what needs exist and the other tells the one what production possibilities exist. Only when a collective judgment arises from communication within communities of economic life can a valid judgment for economic life be reached.
Here, however, we touch on something where external economic knowledge, I would say, economic psychology, comes into play. But life is a unified whole, and one cannot ignore the souls of human beings if one really wants to talk about practical life. What this means is that a real economic judgment can only result from the understanding of those involved in economic life, from the insights that individuals acquire as partial insights, and which only become adequate judgments when the individual insights of one person are refined by the insights of another. Only debate can lead to valid judgments in economic life. But this gives us two radically different areas of human life. And the more practically one looks at life, the more it becomes apparent that the two areas are different from each other, and that, for example, production, which requires knowledge of how to produce, how to work with human abilities, certainly calls the human individual into play, but that everything that happens to the goods, to the commodities, once they have been produced, is subject to collective judgment. Between these two areas lies a third, where the individual does not stand alone to develop the abilities he has brought into life through birth, where he cannot join with others to hone his economic judgment and arrive at a collective judgment that can be applied to the evaluation of economic life in practice, but where he stands opposite other people in such a way that this confrontation is a purely human one, a relationship from person to person.
And this area encompasses all relationships in which the individual human being stands directly opposite the individual human being, not as an economic agent, but as a human being, where he does not have to deal with abilities that are innate or acquired, but where he has to deal with what he is allowed to do in the social organism or what he may be obliged to do, what they are entitled to do, with what they mean in the social organism, in that human beings as human beings stand face to face with other human beings in a purely human way, apart from their abilities, apart from their economic position. This is the third area of the social organism.
It might seem as if these three areas were contrived. They are not. It seems as if they were not taken from practice. But that is precisely what they are. For what makes them specific is what is effective in the practice of life. And when these three areas of the social organism interact in the wrong way, damage to the social organism occurs. In my “Key Points of the Social Question,” — not to prove anything, I know very well that analogies can never prove anything, but to explain something I had to say — I used the analogy of the human organism, which is certainly a unity, but which, when analyzed with real physiology, is nevertheless also based on a threefold structure. We have clearly distinguished between the nerve-sense organism in the human organism, which permeates the whole human being but is mainly located in the head. We then have the respiratory and circulatory rhythm, the rhythm organism, as a second relatively independent organism in the human being. And we have as the third organism the metabolism-limb organism, everything that is based either on the internal functions of metabolism or on the metabolic consumption in external human activity, which begins with the movement of the human limbs, whereby metabolism is utilized. As I said, the human being is a unity, but he is so precisely because these three relatively independent members interact harmoniously. And if, instead of this organic interaction, one were to wish that the human being should be an abstract unity, one would be wishing for something foolish. Each of these members has its own openings to the outside world, the senses, the respiratory openings, the nutritional opening: relative independence. And it is precisely through this relative independence that the parts work together organically and harmoniously in the right way, with each part developing its own specific power, thereby creating a unified whole. As I said, I know that nothing can be proven by analogy. I do not want to prove anything by this, but only to explain. For anyone who views the threefold division of the human being as objectively as in this physiology, who views the social organism objectively, will find that, based on its very own qualities, the social organism requires an independent, relatively independent position for the economic organism, the state-political or legal organism, and the spiritual organism, within the limits I have indicated.
This threefold division of the social organism has often been misunderstood and criticized on the grounds that, in essence, such a separation cannot take place, that, for example, legal relationships constantly play a role in economic life, that spiritual abilities also play a role, and that it is therefore absurd to want to bring about a division in the sense of this tripartite structure for the social organism.
In the human organism, too, the three parts work together as a unity, precisely because each of them can express its specific characteristics, and it is certainly true that the nerve-sense organism is nourished, that it has its own particular nutritional processes, and that what the nerve-sense organism is also has its significance for the metabolic organism. The fact that the three members are nevertheless relatively independent results in a healthy physiology.
A healthy social physiology will also result in the relative independence of each of the three individual areas — the spiritual realm, the realm where human beings simply stand opposite one another as human beings, i.e., the legal, state, and political realm, and the economic sphere, where human beings must progress toward associations and communities in the sense indicated — that these spheres, when they develop their own inherent qualities relatively independently, can then work together in the right sense to form a unity. What is being asserted here is by no means a rehash of the old Platonic threefold division: teaching, defense, and nourishment, for there people are divided into three classes. In our present situation, there can be no question of such a division, but only of a division of administration, the external organization of the three areas of life, which is only possible with the threefold division of the social organism.
The spiritual realm should be administered entirely on its own terms. Those who are, for example, teachers should at the same time be the administrators of the educational system, so that we do not have, on the one hand, pedagogical and didactic science and, on the other hand, the regulations of the political organism for education. All administration in the spiritual sphere must arise from what pedagogical and didactic science is, that is, directly from the spiritual. In the political-state sphere, everything will be able to emerge through understanding between people in the relevant administrative and constitutional bodies. In the economic sphere, for reasons that are already apparent from my remarks today, associations will have to be formed in which people are economic subjects. What should be the primary task of these associations in the economic sphere? Well, in shaping this task, the specific features that I have attempted to describe in my “Key Points of the Social Question” can be revealed. Nowhere in these “Key Points of the Social Question” is it said that social institutions should be created in this or that way, or that this or that is the very best. For me, that would already be bordering on utopianism. For anyone who is familiar with human life today knows that even if one devises the best theories, practical life has infinitely little to do with these theories. I am even practically convinced of the following: If you bring together twelve or more or less people who are not particularly clever, you can come up with wonderful programs about everything, for example, about the establishment of elementary schools, programs to which there is nothing to object: Point 1, Point 2, Point 3. If everything in Point 1, Point 2, and Point 3 were to become reality, there would be an ideal school. But it cannot really happen, because although people can think up the most ideal things, what can actually be realized depends on completely different conditions.
We have tried, as far as is possible in today's world, to establish something at the Waldorf School in Stuttgart that is not based on programs at all, but flows solely from pedagogy and didactics themselves. The Free Waldorf School has a number of teachers. Although I don't want to praise them for this, if they sat down together, they too could devise ideal school programs. But we are spared that. The people, the living people, are there in the teaching staff. And what they can do, the best that can be brought out of them, that is what should be developed. All ideal programs are rejected, all regulations are rejected, everything is placed in the immediate impulse of individual ability. No regulation misleads those who—and this is precisely the task of the individual, the personal human being—are to intervene actively in a certain area of intellectual life on the basis of pedagogy and didactics, that is, on the basis of their own abilities.
Of course, today such things can only be carried out to a certain extent. But in practical life, ideals cannot be realized anywhere; instead, one must do what arises from the possibilities of life. The same applies to everything else in my “Key Points of the Social Question.” Nowhere is any attempt made to show how the individual institutions should be. Not as a demand, not as an ideal, but as an observation of what human beings want in their present historical development, attention is drawn to the fact that human beings — although they are just as they are — could have a different effect than they do today if they were placed in their rightful place. I therefore do not give actual designs for how this or that institution should be, but address people directly and say: if people work together in the right way and find the right points of view from which to consider the social question, then the best that can arise will arise. And I believe that the best structure of the social organism, coming from human beings, is when each individual human being, I would say, thinks, works, and acts in a separate body in the spiritual realm, in the legal and state or political realm, and in the economic realm. Every human being — the social organism is not structured according to social classes — every human being can, under certain circumstances, be involved in all three areas if they have the strength to do so. What matters is not that this or that person works in this or that sphere, but that, objectively, separately from the individual, these three spheres of life are administered independently on the basis of their fundamental conditions, so that the individual can be involved in all three, or in two, or in one, but now administered on the basis of the principles of that sphere. Anyone who considers how this results in harmony between the three areas will see that it is precisely the unity of this threefold structure that is important, not the separation, as is misleadingly suggested in the critiques and discussions.
And so, in the economic sphere in particular, it is important that things should not be determined by any kind of fixed rules, say, by studying statistics and the like, but rather from immediate life experience. Let me give an example. Everyone knows that an item, a commodity, becomes too cheap in the economic cycle when too many people produce it, when too much is produced, and everyone knows that a commodity becomes too expensive when too few people produce it. This gives us a guideline for where that middle ground, which I spoke of, actually lies. This middle ground, this objective value, this objective price, cannot be fixed as such. But when associations are formed whose purpose is to learn about economic life in practice, to study it practically at every moment, in every present, then the main observation can consist of how prices rise and how prices fall. And because associations are concerned with this rise and fall in prices, negotiations can achieve the formation of a sufficiently large number of people for economic cohesion, a sufficiently large number of people engaged in a branch of production, so that, in a sense, negotiations bring the right number of people into a branch of production. This cannot be determined theoretically; it can only be determined by placing people in their rightful place, that is, by determining these things on the basis of human experience. Therefore, one cannot say: this or that is the objective value. But if associations in this direction work in economic life in such a way that they make it one of their duties to gradually dismantle businesses that reduce prices too much according to the relevant customs and to set up others that produce other things, then enough people will participate in the individual branches of production. This can only happen through a truly associative life. And then the price that appears for any commodity will approach the objective price. So that we can never say: based on these or those conditions, the objective price must be this or that, but can only say: when the right human association arises, the right price can gradually emerge through its work in the immediate life of the social organism. — It is not a matter of specifying how institutions should be in order for what is socially right to happen, but rather of bringing people into such a social connection that the gradual solution of social questions arises from their cooperation. For those who understand the social question correctly cannot regard it as something that has arisen once and can be solved by some utopia, but rather as a result of modern interaction that will actually continue to exist more and more in the future. What is incumbent upon us, however, is that people follow social trends from their economic point of view and, on the basis of associations in which economic judgment can arise, steer economic life in the right direction, not through laws, but through direct human interaction. Social life must be placed on a practical human footing.
So the “key points of the social question” are not about describing any social structure, but about indicating how people should be brought into a relationship so that, in their interaction from moment to moment, they do what does not solve the social question in the sense that is sometimes dreamed of, but rather puts it on the right track. These associations will therefore, as can already be seen, have to do primarily with actual economic life. In actual economic life, goods circulate. Therefore, the associations will have to shape the tendency toward the right prices, preferably from immediate life, so that everyone can actually buy what they need from their own production. I once tried to formulate how such a fair price would look. Of course, this does not mean that it should be determined abstractly. As I have indicated, it is determined from real life. But I have said: such a price for any product in social life, i.e., for a commodity, is one that gives people the opportunity to provide for themselves and their families and all their needs until they have produced the same product again.
I am not presenting this as a dogma. I am not saying that this is how it should be, because it would never be possible to implement it, as such theories cannot be put into practice. Rather, I am simply saying that the correct price, as determined by associative cooperation, will tend towards this. So I am merely stating a result. I do not want to establish a dogma, any kind of economic dogma. And in my opinion, this is precisely what is important in today's economic thinking: that it is based everywhere on human foundations, that we recognize once again the extent to which human beings must be the driving force of economic life everywhere, that we do not think of somehow shaping a social organism through mere institutions designed out of ideas and theories, but that we try to find out how human beings should live together so that the right thing comes about.
I would like to clarify this with the following analogy. In the natural world, there is this: that in the prerequisites, in the conditions created by human beings, there is something that comes from the elementary feelings of human beings, but which does not aim to fix anything that takes shape outside in social life. Recently, there has been much talk about how the embryonic development of humans could be influenced so that, in a certain sense, it would be arbitrary to bring boys or girls into the world. Now, I do not want to discuss this question theoretically today, but I consider it fortunate that this question cannot be solved completely in practical terms, because although people cannot determine abstractly what the best distribution of male and female sexes in the world is, it does arise approximately without people being able to do anything about it. There are objective laws that arise when people, under completely different conditions, simply do what corresponds to their elementary impulses. And so, when associations work in the right way and from the insights of life, without dogmatically assuming that this or that must be the fair price, this price arises through associative action. I call it associative action because human individuality must be preserved in association, that is, in the union of the forces of one with the forces of another, individuality remains intact. In coalitions, in cooperatives, individuality is lost. That is what, in my opinion, can lead to real, not dogmatic, economic thinking.
And one can imagine other tasks for these associations. If we again consider the analogy with the human organism, we can say: we notice from this or that symptom that the human organism is ill. From a complex of symptoms, we can gain an insight into the illness, into the process of the illness. It is very similar with the social organism. Today we see clear symptoms of illness in the social organism. Associations are what heal. Associations work toward harmonizing interests, so that the interests of producers and consumers are harmonized through cooperation in the association, so that other interests are harmonized, so that above all the interests between managers and employees are harmonized. Today we see how the opposite of associative life arises from a sick economic body; we see how passive resistance, lockouts and strikes, sabotage and even riots arise. No one who thinks clearly can think otherwise than that all this works in the opposite direction to the associative principle, and that all this—sabotage, lockouts, uprisings, and so on—are symptoms of a diseased social organism that must be overcome by something that has a harmonizing effect. To achieve this, however, we need a truly meaningful structure for this social organism, just as the natural, threefold human organism is meaningfully structured.
And now I come back to what I said, that land and capital themselves are by no means commensurable with commodities, because their value is subject to human abilities. If we have an abstract uniformity, as has increasingly developed in recent times, but which also contains the symptoms of the illness described above and others, then this abstract uniformity leads to land, capital, and ultimately labor being valued in the same way as commodities.
If one has a threefold social organism, then individuality and the forces of individuality are at work in the realm of spiritual life. Therefore, everything that must be connected with the development of individuality in economic life, that is, everything connected with land and capital, must actually be integrated into the spiritual part of the social organism. That is why I have described how the administration of capital and the administration of land should be carried out in the spiritual part of the social organism. Those who criticize me for dividing the three areas do not take into account that, as I myself have described, the spiritual organism, which is based on individual power, automatically takes over the administration of capital and land when people are placed in their rightful positions. But what appears as work in the social organism is a service that human beings render to one another, something that can never flourish if it is confined to mere economic life. Therefore, the regulation of work belongs in the constitutional state, in the political state. And precisely because the time and measure of work can be regulated on the basis of conditions between people, separate from the economic contracts that are determined by associations in economic life, something will happen that will be of extraordinary importance: Economic life will be placed on a healthy basis, with nature and its conditions on the one hand, and human beings and their conditions on the other.
It would certainly be very strange if we were to sit down in a small committee today and think about how many rainy days there must be in 1922 for economic affairs to proceed as desired. Nature must be accepted, and economic life can only be built on the basis of accepted nature. That is one side of the coin. In the threefold social organism, on the other side of economic life, from associations that are self-reliant and relatively independent to the organization of the monetary system, relatively independent, human beings stand opposite each other as human beings, not as economic subjects, and as human beings they form the laws of labor. And now, for economic reasons, which are based solely on commodity prices, the mutual value ratios of commodities, i.e., purely economic factors, human labor will not be determined by economic requirements, just as the productivity of nature cannot be determined by economic conditions. Only then will economic life be based on purely human as well as purely natural conditions.
However, it will not be possible to realize a utopia. But what would be the point of thinking about how human beings could be better than they are now? After all, one can only study them as they are. Therefore, it can be said that it may be quite nice to talk about some future worlds in which humans are desirable well, but it is fruitless; for one can think up all kinds of ways in which the social organism should be structured. But that can never be the question. The question can only be: How is it possible? How must its members work together so that it is not the best, but the best possible with its own forces, gifted with as few symptoms of illness as possible in the sense indicated, developing in the healthiest way possible?
I believe that, especially when one wants to reach an understanding based on a real knowledge of social living conditions, it will gradually be possible to come to an understanding on this cardinal question of economic life, which I have indicated, which has been present throughout my remarks, and which I do not want to state in an abstract, dogmatic, formulaic way. Today, however, our most terrible struggles, which are wearing down economic life, ultimately arise from the fact that we do not study economic life with the same goodwill, pursuing its conditions within the social organism, as we do, for example, with regard to the natural organism. And only when we learn to proceed in relation to the social organism in the same way as in biology, physiology, and therapy will we recognize the possibilities that exist, and only then will the questions that are today called social questions be asked in the right way. In this way, they can be brought back to the human level. Therefore, it seems to me that the most important thing is to first win over as many minds and senses as possible for such a natural understanding of the social organism, for such an understanding that is able to view the social organism in terms of health and illness, as natural science attempts to do with regard to the human organism. And I believe we can see today that, indeed, even with regard to the cardinal question of economic life, it must be said that the threefold division of the social organism into the realms of pure economic life, legal or state or political life, and the spiritual realm can shed the right light. For the three areas should not be separated, but each should be able to interact harmoniously with the others precisely because it can develop its strong forces in relative independence.
And the cardinal question of economic life is this: How must the state and spiritual life independently influence pure economic life in relation to capital, land, the measurement and evaluation of human labor, so that economic life, through the formation of associations, creates not an earthly paradise, but a possible social organism? — And one can believe that if the question is first considered in such a natural way, then such a question, which must be called the cardinal question of economic life, can only be asked in the right, realistic, practical way. And in life, it is usually the case that the biggest mistakes are made not by striving for false solutions — which are usually utopias — but by asking the wrong questions, by not asking questions based on real observation and real knowledge of life. But that seems to me to be the most important question in economic life today, that the questions are asked correctly and that life is shaped in such a way that theoretical answers are not given, but that life itself, the full human and historical reality, provides the answers to the correctly asked questions. The questions are asked from a historical perspective, and life must provide the immediate, real answer. No theory can provide this answer, only the full practical reality of life.