Donate books to help fund our work. Learn more→

The Rudolf Steiner Archive

a project of Steiner Online Library, a public charity

Supersensible Influences in the History of Mankind
GA 216

1 October 1922, Dornach

Lecture VI

In the last few lectures we have been studying impulses of far-reaching influence in the historical evolution of humanity—great impulses which are like the tracks of stars across history, illuminating our understanding of particular events. Knowledge of an epoch in history can only be external and superficial if the underlying impulses are not perceived and understood. For these impulses are real powers; they work for the most part, and they work most powerfully, through the unconscious forces of the soul; what transpires outwardly and in full consciousness is only to be perceived in the right light when its origin can be traced back to them.

We will think of an event or, more precisely, a series of events well known to history and of profound significance in the whole life of the West during the Middle Ages—a series of events which, in the outer world, ended in a comparatively short time, after about a century or a century and a half, but the effects of which continued and (to those able to understand the deeper currents in the flow of world-history) have continued to this day. I refer to the Crusades which began in the eleventh century—1096 is the year usually assigned—and as a series of outer events continued until the year usually given as 1170. But we find that even external history mentions all kinds of enterprises and institutions that developed out of the Crusades.

We hear, for example, of the Templar Knights, who first assumed their real significance in outer life during the time of the Crusades. We hear, too, of Orders like that of the Knights of St. John, later the Knights of Malta, and others. Things that were inaugurated by these communities of secular and spiritual life, and thus sprang from the spirit pervading the Crusades, subsequently developed in such a way that, while their provenance in the Crusading spirit was less and less remarked, their effects and influences were clearly present in the life of the West.

Thinking, to begin with, of the external course of history, we know how the Crusades originated. Needs of the soul led adherents of Christianity in the West to believe that pilgrimages to Palestine would imbue their Christian impulses with fresh vigour; but they encountered obstacles, because Palestine and Jerusalem had fallen into the hands of a people of very alien character, namely, the Turks. The maltreatment inflicted by the Turks upon these pilgrims to Jerusalem had provoked an outcry all over Europe and from this was born the mood and spirit which gave rise to the Crusades—a mood which had been present for a long time, although in a different form. We see how men gave vent to this mood by demanding the liberation of the Holy Places of the West, the Holy Places of Christendom, from Turkish oppression.

We hear how Peter of Amiens, himself a victim of this oppression, traveled through Western Europe as a pilgrim and by his fervent preaching won over many hearts to the project of liberating Jerusalem from the Turks.

We know too that, to begin with, this led to no result. But soon a whole number of Knights in the West, gathering together under the leadership of Godfrey of Bouillon in the first real Crusade, succeeded in liberating Jerusalem, for a time at least, from the Turks.

The course of these events requires only brief mention, for the story is familiar enough in history. The really important thing is to study with insight and understanding what was working more or less unconsciously through human souls, in such a way that again and again, and for a long period of time, numbers of men, in most cases with extraordinary devotion and valour, set out upon these journeys to the East, these seven Crusades, under the leadership of the most distinguished princes of the West. The real question is this: Whence came that first fiery enthusiasm which swept across Europe, especially at the beginning of the Crusades? Once the ball had been set rolling—if I may so express it—interests of a different sort crept in, from the fourth Crusade onwards. There were European princes who went to the East with quite other motives, to enhance their power, their prestige and the like. Nevertheless the beginning of the Crusades is an historical event of prime importance. We cannot fail to be impressed by the spectacle of this mighty force prompting a large part of European humanity to an undertaking linked, as they felt, with the most sacred concerns of the heart. Men felt that these sacred concerns were vitally connected with the liberation of Jerusalem from the Turks, in order that Christians in Europe desirous of visiting the Grave of the Redeemer might find their ways cleared.

The dry, prosaic accounts of the historical facts to be read in books do not, as a rule, convey any real impression of the fire of enthusiasm that flamed up in Europe when that noble company of knights set out on the first Crusade, nor of the re-kindling of this enthusiasm by the ardour of men like Bernard of Clairvaux and others. There is an awe-inspiring grandeur about the birth of the Crusades, and we cannot help asking ourselves: What impulses were working in the hearts and souls of Europeans at that time—what were the impulses out of which sprang the spirit of the Crusades?

These impulses can only be rightly understood if we trace their development back through the centuries. A pivotal point in history and one which throws a flood of light upon subsequent happenings of incisive importance in Europe, is the reign of Pope Nicholas I, approximately in the middle of the ninth century, between the years 858 and 867. Before his inner eye, Nicholas I perceived three streams of spiritual life—three streams confronting him like great question marks (if I may use the term) of civilisation.

He saw the one stream moving as it were in spiritual heights, across from Asia into Europe. In this stream certain conceptions innate in oriental religion are making their way, in a much modified and changed form, across Southern Europe and Northern Africa, to Spain, France, the British Isles and especially to Ireland. In view of what will presently be said, I will call this the first stream. Springing from the Arabian regions of Asia, it flows across Greece and Italy but also across Africa into Spain and then upwards through the West. But its influence also rays out, in different forms, towards other parts of Europe.

Little is said of this stream in the tale told to us as history. We will speak today only of two characteristic features of this stream—which was immeasurably deep in content. One of these is what may be called the esoteric conception of the Mystery of Golgotha. I have often spoken to you of the conception of the Mystery of Golgotha held by those in whom vestiges of the ancient, pre-Christian Initiation-knowledge survived. There is an indication of this in the Bible itself—in the coming of the three Magi or Kings from the East. With their knowledge of the secrets of the stars they foresee the approaching Christ Event and set out in search of it. Pre-eminently, therefore, the three Magi are examples of men concerned less with the earthly personality of Jesus of Nazareth than with the all-important fact that a Spiritual Being had descended from worlds of spirit-and-soul, that Christ had come to dwell in the body of Jesus of Nazareth and would impart a mighty impulse to the further evolution of the earth. These men viewed the Event of Golgotha from a wholly super-sensible standpoint. Vision of the super-sensible truth was possible to men in whom the ancient principles of Initiation had been kept alive, for comprehension of this super-sensible Event, unintelligible in the natural and historical life of the earth, could be achieved with the help of this ancient Initiation-knowledge.

But it became more and more difficult to keep alive these ancient principles of Initiation and therefore more and more impossible to find appropriate language in which to convey how Christ had come down from super-sensible worlds, had passed through the Mystery of Golgotha, and how His Power continues to work through all the subsequent evolution of the earth. Men simply had no means of so shaping their concepts and ideas that they could find words to convey what had actually come to pass through Christ and through the Mystery of Golgotha.

And so in order to clothe this Mystery in words, men were forced more and more to pictorial forms of presentation. One such is the story of the Holy Grail, of the precious Cup, said, on the one hand, to be the Cup in which Christ Jesus had partaken of the Last Supper with His Apostles, and, on the other, the Cup in which the Roman soldier at the foot of the Cross caught the blood flowing from the Redeemer. This Cup was then carried by Angels ... and here is the touch of the super-sensible, tendered in faltering words, for what the old Initiates could have conveyed in clear concepts could now only be conveyed by pictures ... this Cup was carried by Angels to Mont Salvat in Spain and received there by the noble King Titurel; he built a Temple for the Chalice and there dwelt the Knights of the Holy Grail, keeping watch and ward over the treasure that shields the impulse flowing onwards from the Mystery of Golgotha.

And so we have there a deeply esoteric stream, passing over into a mystery. On the one side we perceive the influence of this deeply esoteric stream in the founding of academies in Asia, where men studied the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle, endeavouring to understand the Event of Golgotha with the aid of Aristotelian concepts. Later on, in European civilisation, we see attempts made in such a poem as Parsifal to convey the living content of this esoteric stream in pictures. We see this same living content shimmering through the teachings that arose especially in the Schools of Ireland. We see too how the best elements of Arabian wisdom flowed into this stream but how, at the same time, Arabian thought introduced an alien element, coarsened and corrupted over in Asia by Turkish influence.

Of the character imparted to this first stream by the Arabian influence and by its advance from the East towards the West, we shall speak later, when the other streams have been considered. To indicate the fundamental character of this stream, one would be obliged to say: Those who were connected in any real way with this stream of spiritual life, held that the one and only way of salvation—and an echo of this is heard in Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parsifal—lay in rising above the sensible and material into the super-sensible, in having at any rate some vision of the super-sensible worlds, in letting man share in the life of the super-sensible worlds, in bringing home to him that his soul belongs to a stream not immediately to be perceived by senses directed to terrestrial events.

The feeling characterizing this gaze upward into super-sensible, super-earthly regions was that, in order to be a full human being, man must belong to worlds transcending material existence, worlds whose happenings are hidden, as were the deeds of the Knights of the Grail, from the outward eye. The Mystery implicit in this stream was felt to be somehow imperceptible to the eyes of sense.

This, then, was the first stream, barely felt and yet looked at askance in Rome at the time of Pope Nicholas I in the ninth century. The whole tendency in Rome was to regard it as an inimical influence and one to which it would be unwholesome for Western humanity to yield. In the religious and intellectual life of Europe there must be nothing of the esoteric, nor anything even faintly deriving from the esoteric—such was the attitude.

This was the first and assuredly the most awe-inspiring question before Nicholas I, for he also discerned the grandeur of this stream of spiritual life. Although much dimmed since the third or fourth century (when a society had actually been founded in Italy for the extermination of all paths to spiritual knowledge) its radiance still shone, by way of many hidden embrasures, into the hearts of men, revealing itself now here, now there. What broke through in this way into the experience of men, often from mysterious strata underlying the progress of history, was denounced as heresy. The feeling also prevailed that the esotericism still faintly glimmering in this stream could no longer find its way into those concepts which, in the culture of Latin Rome, had departed more and more from the inwardness of Greek thought with its oriental colouring and had adopted the forms of Roman Rhetoric—in other words, had become formal and exoteric.

Yet on the other hand, among individuals and communities denounced as heretical sects, this stream flashed into life with tremendous power.

The second question of world-history before the soul of Nicholas I was this. All the knowledge gathered hitherto by the Catholic Church forced him to the conclusion that the Europeans of the West were incapable of bearing the great spiritual tension that is evoked in the souls of men if they are to scale the heights of spiritual, esoteric understanding.

A great uncertainty weighed upon the soul of Nicholas I. What will happen if too much of this esoteric-spiritual stream makes its way into the souls of the people of Europe?

In the East itself, greater and greater confusion had crept into what had once been the esoteric content of this stream. It was over in far-off Ireland that it maintained its purest form and for some time there were Schools in Ireland where the holy secrets were preserved in great purity.

But—so pondered Nicholas I—this is useless for the people of Europe. Nicholas I was, in reality, only repeating the view previously held by Boniface in a somewhat different form, namely that owing to their intrinsic character the people of Europe were not adapted for the inflow of spiritual life into their souls. And so the strange position arose that in the East the real, esoteric substance died away. Human beings living in the East and also in the East of Europe, in the regions of present-day Russia, could make no contact in their souls with this esoteric substance. But over in the East, purely in the form of feelings, and in so far as these feelings had not been utterly exterminated by the gradual advance of the Turanian peoples—the Turks—over in the East men had a dim feeling that the sublimely esoteric, which is not to be comprehended by the dawning intellect, flows in cult and ritual; but only when the cult has at the same time an actual centre in the outer world, a geographical centre.

And so in the East of Europe, while the esoteric, spiritual reality was forgotten, men turned to cult and ritual, clinging with greatest intensity of feeling to what they held to be the very heart and core of the cult: the Grave of the Redeemer.

Hard by the Grave of the Redeemer in Jerusalem was the place where He had celebrated the Last Supper with His Apostles, that Eucharistic meal that in metamorphosis became the Death on Golgotha, was consummated by this Death and then lived on—in the central rite, but also in the whole ritual—in the Mass.

In their estrangement, because they failed to reach an esoteric understanding of the spiritual reality, men gave their hearts to cult and ritual, and to that with which the cult was outwardly connected: the Grave of the Redeemer and the Holy Places in Jerusalem. Pilgrimage to Jerusalem came to be regarded as crowning all the solemn ceremonies, wherever they were celebrated. For the individual man, the ceremonies and ritual were to receive their crowning triumph when, having poured his very heart into what he had experienced in image in the ceremonies, he himself went forth on the pilgrimage to the Grave of the Redeemer.

Certain schools here and there in Asia were still able to grasp the concepts that, under tremendous stress, had been unfolded by the ancient Egyptians from contemplation of the mummy, of the mummified human corpse, but this knowledge had passed from the ken of the general population. Human understanding was incapable of grasping what is at once the Mystery of Man and of the Divine World.

And so in the days of Pope Nicholas I, the farther one looked to the East, the more clearly did one see this inward, heartfelt veneration of the cult; men clung passionately to the cult and to all the experiences evoked by the sacred acts, regarding as the crowning triumph of these experiences, indeed as the supreme act of worship, the pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre.

Looking over to the East from ninth-century Rome, in the days of Nicholas I, there arose the picture of the one influence—of which Nicholas I and his counselors said: This is not for the peoples of Europe, for the peoples of Middle and Western Europe—for they have too much of the intellect that is now storming into human evolution to be able to cling, with whatsoever fervour of the heart, to the mere contemplation of the ceremonial acts and to the actual pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre. In the people of Europe there is too much of the dawning intellect to enable them in this way to be fully Man. It was perceived that although this was possible in the East, it was not to be expected of the peoples of Middle Europe and the West.

Meanwhile the first great question still remained. Terrible danger seemed imminent if Europe were swept by the stream charged with such deep esotericism, with so much that can be fully grasped only by a spiritualised thinking.

Let me put it like this. Looking from the Rome of Pope Nicholas I towards the West, danger loomed. Looking towards the East, again danger. The stream outspread in the East and making its way far into Europe was seen, in reality, as a series of streams, as the stream of the esoteric cult in contrast to the other (Western) stream of esoteric life. Middle Europe must not, dare not be seized by either stream ... this, or something like it, was what was being said at the Papal Court of Nicholas I. What, then, must be done? The great treasure perceptible to those truly belonging to this first esoteric stream must be clothed in dogma. Words must be found, formulae coined and proclaimed; but the possibility of understanding through actual vision of what was thus proclaimed must be withheld from men.

The idea of Faith was born—the conception that without providing them with the means of vision, men must be given in the forms of abstract dogma, those things in which they can believe.

And so a third stream arose, taking hold of the religious and also the scientific life of Middle and Western Europe. The onset of the intellect was opposed by dogmas, dogmas that could not be described as vision restated in ideas, but such that the element of vision had departed from them; they were simply believed.

If that esoteric stream which penetrated to Ireland and died away in later times had been pursued in deed and truth, the souls of those belonging to it would inevitably have experienced union with the spiritual world. For the great question living in this esoteric stream was in reality this: How is the human being to find his orientation in the ether-world, in the etheric cosmos? The visions, which also included the conception of the Mystery of Golgotha as I described it just now, were connected with the etheric cosmos. Here, then, the great question was that concerning the nature of the etheric cosmos.

But in the middle stream which until far into the Middle Ages was clothed for the most part in Latinised forms of thought, the knowledge bearing upon the etheric cosmos became the content of dogma.

Just as in the West the question concerning the mystery of the etheric cosmos was an unconscious one, so in the East there had arisen the great, unconscious question as to the nature of the etheric organism, the etheric body of man.

Unconsciously astir in all those trends of feeling and knowledge in the East, which poured into cult, ceremony and ritual, was the question: How is man to adjust himself to the workings of his etheric body?—Just as in the South and West the question was: How is man to adjust himself to the etheric cosmos?

In earlier times the truth of the super-sensible world had been within man's reach as an outcome of his natural, dreamlike clairvoyance. It was not necessary for him to become conscious of the etheric in the cosmos and in his own being. A significant feature of the modern age was the great question which now arose concerning the nature and content of the etheric world—in the West, the question as to the etheric cosmos, in the East as to man's own etheric body.

The question concerning the etheric cosmos demands the exercise of supreme spiritual effort. A man must unfold thought to its highest potency if he is to penetrate the mysteries of the cosmos. In the lecture yesterday I told you that the way is opened up by study of Goethe's conception of plant-metamorphosis, but that this must pass on to the mighty metamorphosis that leads over from one earthly life to the next.

But in Rome, especially at the time of Pope Nicholas I, this was considered to be full of danger ... the living content of this stream must be stifled and concealed.

The Eastern stream too was involved in the struggle concerning the etheric world but particularly the etheric nature of man, the etheric body of man. With his physical body, man lives in contact with the outer world of nature, with the animals, plants and minerals, the machines and the like. But to live in and through the etheric body during his existence here on earth is only possible for man by the external means presented by ceremony and ritual, by participation in happenings and actions which are not, in the earthly and material sense, real. In the East, men longed to share in these acts in order that they might thereby experience the inner nature and working of their own etheric organism.

In the Rome of Pope Nicholas I, this too was considered unsuitable for Europe. It was decided to retain in the West only what the intellect had formulated into a body of dogmas—wherein super-sensible truths are matters of faith alone, no longer of actual vision. The dogmas were then promulgated over wider areas of the West and the esoteric stream was entirely obscured. The inner attraction to cult and ritual that had characterized Eastern Europe was also thought to be out of keeping with the nature of the peoples of Middle and Western Europe, and from this was born the modified form of the cult which now exists in the Roman Catholic Church.

If you compare the cult and ritual of the Eastern Church, the Orthodox Russian Church, with the form of cult practised in the Roman Catholic Church, you will perceive this difference: in the Roman Catholic Church it is more of the nature of a symbol for the eyes to contemplate; in the East it is something into which the soul penetrates with ardent devotion. In the West, men grew increasingly aware of the need to turn away from the cult—wedded as it now was to dogmatic interpretation—to the dogmas, and from the dogmas to explain the cult. In the East, cult and ritual worked as a power in themselves and what found its way over to the West was gradually confined within the externalised forms preserved in various occult communities. These communities exist to this very day and though emptied of all the esotericism of olden time, still play no insignificant apart in affairs.

How to inaugurate in Europe a form of cult which does not, as in the East, take hold of the etheric nature of the human being, and to establish a system of dogma which would make it unnecessary for men to direct their gaze to the spiritual world ... how to inaugurate a twofold stream of this character—such was the third great question confronting Nicholas I. And at this he laboured. The outcome of it all was the complete severance of the Eastern, Greek Church, from the Roman Catholic Church. Here, in what I have indicated, lie the inner reasons.

All that I have just been describing to you was still clearly perceptible in the middle of the ninth century, at the time of Pope Nicholas I. In the West, vestiges of esotericism still survived. In Spain particularly, but also in France and in Ireland, esoteric Schools existed. There were men who could still look into the spiritual worlds, whose understanding of Christianity derived from actual vision. Later on, nothing remained of this earlier power of vision, save a hint, save those mysterious, repeated glimpses of the Holy Grail or its secular reflection and counterpart, the Round Table of King Arthur. There men did feel the presence of something actually connected with vision of worlds beyond the earth, with living experience of these worlds.

Middle Europe, extending into those regions of the West where esotericism still survived, was the home of devout belief sustained by dogmas, combined with a world of ceremonies and rites not quite connected with the human etheric body. Of what was living in the East, I have already spoken. Any true portrayal of the life of soul as it was in Europe during the ninth century, would have to include description of these three different moods-of-soul in their many variations.

The account given by history is but a cursory, superficial expression of what was actually reigning in the depths. But as time went on, the esoteric stream was followed by a current, which in the forms of Arabian thought was becoming increasingly exoteric and formal. What men over in Asia had made of the Aristotelian teachings—that too flowed over in the wake of what had once been a very spiritual understanding, and under this influence the content of this esoteric stream became more and more materialistic. Already in the eleventh and twelfth centuries we see how esotericism begins to flicker out, to melt away as it were; this esoteric stream itself takes on a materialistic mode of thinking, that mode of thinking which in later metamorphosis becomes the materialism of natural science—which has its real origin in Arabian thought.

The middle stream—actually brought into being by Nicholas I but previously fostered by Boniface and supported by the Merovingians and Carolingians—although for long centuries bearing faint traces of the influence exercised by the Grail and other sacred lays in turning the eyes of soul to the super-sensible world, this middle stream tended more and more to introduce the element of materialism into cult and dogma. The older and purer conceptions of Transubstantiation, of the celebration of the Mass, for example, were followed by those crude, materialistic conceptions, which alone could have resulted in controversy over the Eucharist. When these quarrels arose they were proof of the fact that men no longer understood the Eucharist as originally conceived. Indeed it is a mystery that can be understood only in the light of spiritual knowledge.

And so materialism found its way into the stream that had flowed across to the West from the South and East; it found its way into the middle stream, and, fundamentally, also into the Eastern stream. The waves of materialism were surging on—and everywhere men strove to dam them back as best they could.

We pass now from the ninth century, from the days of Pope Nicholas I, to the eleventh century. We must picture the three great question marks standing like three terrible powers, soul-torturing powers, before a man like Pope Nicholas I. For he could not say—as in Congresses later on, when frontiers were drawn on maps according to opinions based upon external considerations—he could not say: I decree that there shall be a frontier here, and another frontier here ... for souls cannot be divided off in this way. What he could do was to indicate lines of direction and impart to the middle stream a certain strength, and herein his genius was particularly effective. Nevertheless the mood prevailing in the East spread far, far into the West. What mood? The mood in which the etheric organism of man is set aflame from within by the sacred acts of cult and ritual and in which, in a way more characteristic of Western Europe, these acts were now linked with their centre in Jerusalem.

With all the ardour for pilgrimage and the intense yearning towards the real centre in Jerusalem, Peter of Amiens, with less effect at the beginning, and then, later on, Bernard of Clairvaux with veritably blinding fervour, preached the Cross. With this mood of ardour in Europe there mingled the remains of the stream which had been kept alive in the West by the cult of the Grail, by the Arthurian cult—the remains of the esotericism which had here found its outlet ... and there arose the picture of Man in his physical form as a being to whom the earth is not really earth, but a particular place in the cosmos.

Some such conception was alive in the world of chivalry and knighthood or at least in that part of it that took shape in Western and Middle Europe and allied itself with the Crusading Spirit. And as a faint undertone only, but as the Crusades proceeded steadily increasing in strength, there mingled with this mood the temper of mind that had been engendered by Nicholas I as appropriate for European civilisation.

That is why there is something about the Crusades not fully to be explained by later circumstances. For the middle stream spreads out; beside it remains the stream belonging to the East of Europe, regarded in Europe itself as a backward tendency in religion; and the Western stream converts itself into branches of the occult, esoteric life, into all kinds of occult societies, Masonic Orders and the like. In the world of Scholasticism, the middle stream finally lays hold of science too, and then of the child of Scholasticism: natural science in its later form.

The spirit inspiring the Crusades cannot be understood by those who look only at what happened in later times; it can be understood only by those who perceive the effects of these impulses from the fourth and fifth centuries of the Christian era to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and who grasp the full significance of the question with which Nicholas I, in the ninth century, was so profoundly concerned: How can happenings in the outer world in which the human being himself participates, pre-eminent among them being the sacred acts of the cult, how can these be brought into connection with the living flow of spiritual life, with the life of the Spiritual Beings? In the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries, the problem had already been set for the peoples of Europe. Just as on the one side they had lost the realities contained in cult and ritual, so too, on the other side, they had lost the realities yielded by spiritual vision. Just as in the East the realities of cult and ritual vanished into the mists of Asia and the conquests of the Turks sealed off the holy place around which the acts of the Christian cult must be centred, so, if I may speak in metaphor, did the esoteric secrets contained in the Western stream disappear into the Atlantic Ocean. And there arose as a reaction the mood, which asked: How are the sacred acts of the cult, with their centre in Jerusalem, to be infused with spiritual life?

Anyone who reads the sermons of Bernard of Clairvaux can feel to this very day how on the one hand, fervent devotion to the cult, to the outer symbol in which the esoteric is contained, speaks from his lips, and how, on the other hand, his heart is fired through and through by all that was once astir in the esotericism of the West.

Resounding in the tone and tenor of the sermons of Bernard of Clairvaux, not in what he actually says but in the artistic grandeur and majesty of his utterances, are those mysteries which the etheric cosmos would fain reveal to man and can no longer reveal, and on the other side all that strives, from out of the earth, to work in man's own etheric body. That is what drives men over to Asia, seeking for what they had lost in the West.

Esotericism, however, was really the driving force. By making a new link with the Grave of the Redeemer, men desired to glimpse again what the West had lost. The tragedy of the ensuing age was that this was not understood, that there were no ears ready to listen, let us say, to Rosicrucianism—I mean Rosicrucianism in its genuine form—which sought for Christ in heights of the Spirits, not at the physical grave.

Now, however, the time has come for mankind to realise that just as those who after the Redeemer's death came to the tomb, were told: He Whom ye seek is no longer here, seek Him elsewhere, so, too, it was said to the Crusaders: He Whom ye seek is no longer here, seek Him elsewhere.

The age is upon us when He Who is no longer here must be sought elsewhere, when He must be sought through a new revelation of the spiritual worlds. That is the task of those who are living at this present time and of that I wished to speak to you, in connection with our recent studies.

Achter Vortrag

[ 1 ] Wir haben in den letzten Betrachtungen auf umfassende Impulse innerhalb der weltgeschichtlichen Entwickelung der Menschheit hingewiesen. Solche umfassende Impulse müssen für die geschichtliche Betrachtung gewissermaßen als die leuchtenden Sterne dastehen, welche das einzelne, das im Laufe der Menschheitsentwickelung geschehen ist, für die Erkenntnis beleuchten können. Jede einzelne geschichtliche Epoche kann ja eigentlich nur in einer ganz äußerlichen Weise kennengelernt werden, wenn man nicht diese dahinterstehenden Impulse zu empfinden und zu durchschauen vermag. Diese Impulse wirken. Sie wirken zumeist durch die unbewußten Kräfte der menschlichen Seele am allerstärksten. Und das, was sich äußerlich für die Menschen vor deren Bewußtsein abspielt, erscheint eben erst im rechten Lichte, wenn man es auf solche Impulse zurückzuführen vermag.

[ 2 ] Nehmen wir einmal ein Ereignis, das ja allen aus der Geschichte wohlbekannt ist, ein Ereignis oder besser gesagt eine Ereignisreihe, welche in der Mitte des Mittelalters für das ganze Leben des Abendlandes tief einschneidend war, eine Ereignisreihe, die ja äußerlich verhältnismäßig bald, nach ein oder anderthalb Jahrhunderten, vorübergegangen ist, die aber in ihren Wirkungen fortdauerte und eigentlich für den, der tiefere Strömungen im weltgeschichtlichen Werden verstehen kann, noch heute andauert: Nehmen wir die Ereignisreihe der Kreuzzüge, die im 11. Jahrhundert - gewöhnlich wird das Jahr 1096 genannt - ihren Anfang nehmen und dann äußerlich sich erstrecken bis zu jenem Jahre, das gewöhnlich als 1270 angenommen wird. Wir sehen ja auch, daß schon in der äußerlichen Geschichte darauf aufmerksam gemacht wird, wie sich aus der Ereignisreihe der Kreuzzüge Mannigfaltiges an Lebenseinrichtungen herausgestaltet.

[ 3 ] Es werden zum Beispiel die Tempelritter genannt, die während der Kreuzzüge erst ihre richtige Bedeutung für das äußere Leben erhalten haben; es werden genannt solche Ordensgemeinschaften wie die Johanniter, die späteren Malteserritter, und andere. Und was durch solche Lebens- und Geistesgemeinschaften aus der Kreuzzugsstimmung heraus den Anfang genommen hat, das entwickelte sich später so, daß sein Ursprung aus dieser Kreuzzugsstimmung heraus weniger genannt wurde, daß aber doch die Wirkungen im abendländischen Leben deutlich vorhanden waren.

[ 4 ] Wenn wir das äußere Geschichtliche zunächst uns vor die Seele rücken, so wissen wir ja, daß die Kreuzzüge dadurch entstanden sind, daß jene christlichen Angehörigen des Abendlandes, welche ihre christlichen Impulse immer wieder durch Pilgerzüge nach Palästina aufzufrischen glaubten, Widerstand fanden dadurch, daß Palästina, Jerusalem allmählich in die Hände einer ganz andersartigen Bevölkerung, der türkischen Bevölkerung, gekommen war, daß sich die Pilger, die nach Jerusalem zogen, durch diese türkische Bevölkerung mißhandelt fanden, was dann zu einer allgemeinen Klage in Europa wurde. Wir sehen, wie aus dieser allgemeinen Klage heraus sich eben die Kreuzzugsstimmung, die in anderer Art schon lange vorhanden war, dadurch entlädt, daß sich Menschen finden, welche auffordern, die heiligen Stätten des Morgenlandes, die christlichen Stätten von der Türkennot zu befreien. Es wird erzählt, wie zunächst Peter von Amiens, der selbst diese Türkennot kennengelernt hatte, im Westen von Europa wallfahrtend herumgezogen ist, wie er durch seine innigen Reden das Herz von vielen gewonnen hat, die sich aufmachen wollten, um Jerusalem von der Not der Türken zu befreien. Wir wissen aber auch, wie das zunächst zu nichts geführt hat und wie dann ein erster Kreuzzug dadurch zustande gekommen ist, daß sich eine ganze Anzahl von Rittern des Abendlandes unter der Anführung von Gottfried von Bouillon zusammengefunden hat, der es dann wirklich wenigstens bis zu einer zeitweiligen Befreiung Jerusalems von den Türken gebracht hat.

[ 5 ] Diese äußeren Ereignisse braucht man nur anzuschlagen, sie sind aus der äußerlichen Geschichte genugsam bekannt. Aber es handelt sich darum, auch innerlich einmal wirklich verstehend zu betrachten, was da mehr oder weniger unbewußt durch die Seelen hindurch gewirkt hat, so daß in einer so langen Zeit fortwährend zahlreiche Menschen in zum Teil außerordentlich hingebungsvoller, tapferer Weise diese sieben Kreuzzüge nach dem Morgenlande unternommen und die Führung der angesehensten Fürsten des Abendlandes gefunden haben. Wir müssen uns vor allen Dingen fragen, woher denn dieser Enthusiasmus der Kreuzzüge gekommen ist, der namentlich am Anfange der Kreuzzüge innerhalb des europäischen Lebens geherrscht hat. Später allerdings, als einmal die Sache, wenn ich mich so ausdrücken darf, eingeleitet war, schon vom vierten Kreuzzuge ab, haben sich dann auch andere Interessen in die Sache hineingemischt. Europäische Fürsten zogen dann aus ganz andern Untergründen heraus nach dem Oriente, zum Beispiel um ihr Ansehen, ihre Macht zu befestigen und dergleichen. Aber es ist doch ein außerordentlich bedeutungsvolles historisches Ereignis, das den Anfang der Kreuzzüge darstellt.

[ 6 ] Es ist namentlich historisch außerordentlich bedeutsam, wenn man hinschaut auf die ungeheure Gewalt, die da plötzlich eine große Zahl von europäischen Menschen aller Stände ergriff, um etwas zu unternehmen, was mit den heiligsten Herzensangelegenheiten der europäischen Menschheit zusammenhängen sollte. Man fühlte allerdings, daß diese heiligsten Herzensangelegenheiten durchaus zusammenhingen mit der Befreiung Jerusalems von den Türken, mit der Eröffnung der Möglichkeit, daß die europäischen Christen wiederum die freien Wege nach der Grabstätte ihres Erlösers fanden. Wenn so trocken die historischen Tatsachen erzählt oder in den Büchern gelesen werden, so fühlt man zumeist nicht das ungeheure Feuer, das dazumal durch Europa brannte, als die edle Ritterschaft im ersten Kreuzzuge die Fahrt unternahm und als dann aus der ganzen Innigkeit und dem Feuer seines Seelenwesens heraus etwa ein Bernhard von Clairvaux oder andere wiederum dieses Feuer, diese Strömung angefacht haben. Es ist etwas ungeheuer Großes in der ersten Entstehung dieser Kreuzzüge. Und fragen muß man sich schon: Was wirken da für Impulse in den europäischen Herzen, in den europäischen Seelen, Impulse, die dann eben in die Kreuzzugsstimmung einliefen?

[ 7 ] Diese Impulse kann man nur in der richtigen Weise verstehen, wenn man durch die Jahrhunderte zurückverfolgt, wie sie sich eigentlich entwickelt haben. Ich möchte sagen, ein Knotenpunkt historischer Entwickelung innerhalb Europas, an dem man außerordentlich viel sehen kann von dem, was später bedeutend und einschneidend geworden ist, ein solcher Knotenpunkt europäischer Entwickelung ist die Regierungszeit des Papstes Nikolaus I., etwa in der Mitte des 9. Jahrhunderts, gewesen. Nikolaus I., er regierte von 858 bis 867, war jener römische Papst, der vor seiner Seele drei geistige Strömungen stehen sah, die, ich möchte sagen, wie große Fragezeichen der Zivilisation vor ihm auftraten.

[ 8 ] Die eine Strömung bewegte sich wie in einer Art geistiger Höhe von Asien herüber nach Europa. Wir können sagen: diese Strömung setzt in einer sehr modifizierten, veränderten Form orientalische Religionserkenntnisse über den Süden von Europa, über den Norden von Afrika fort nach Spanien, nach Frankreich, nach den Britischen Inseln, aber namentlich nach Irland. Nehmen wir also ihren Ausgangspunkt an etwa von den arabischen Gegenden Asiens. Dann zieht sie herüber über Griechenland, Italien, aber auch über Afrika nach Spanien hinein und über den Westen herauf, aber verschiedentlich ihr Wesen auch nach dem übrigen Europa ausstrahlend.

[ 9 ] Diese Strömung spricht sich wenig in dem aus, was als äußerliche Geschichte erzählt wird. Diese Strömung, die eigentlich ungeheuer vieles enthält, wollen wir heute nur nach zweien ihrer Eigentümlichkeiten charakterisieren. Das eine, das in ihr lebt, ist etwas, was man nennen könnte eine esoterische Auffassung des Mysteriums von Golgatha. Ich habe Sie öfters darauf aufmerksam gemacht, wie diejenigen Persönlichkeiten, die noch Reste der alten, vor dem Mysterium von Golgatha liegenden Initiationserkenntnisse bewahrt hatten, das Mysterium von Golgatha aufgefaßt haben. In der Bibel selbst ist das in der Erscheinung der drei Magier oder Könige aus dem Morgenlande zu erkennen, die aus dem Geheimnis der Sternenwelt heraus das ChristusEreignis erahnen und suchen, die also vorzugsweise zu denjenigen gehören, denen die irdische Persönlichkeit des Jesus von Nazareth weniger bekannt war, denen vor allen Dingen die Tatsache wichtig war, daß eine geistige Wesenheit, der Christus, heruntergestiegen war aus geistig-seelischen Welten, in dem Leibe des Jesus von Nazareth Wohnung genommen hatte und einen Impuls auf die fernere Erdenentwickelung ausüben sollte. Ganz übersinnlich schauten diese Menschen das Ereignis von Golgatha an, und diese übersinnliche Anschauung konnte nur in solchen Seelen stattfinden, die noch die alten Initiationsprinzipien bewahrten. Denn mit Hilfe dieser Initiationsprinzipien ließ sich so etwas verstehen, was ja innerhalb der natürlichen und der historischen Erdenwelt nicht verstanden werden kann. Innerhalb dieser Initiationsprinzipien ließ sich dieses rein übersinnliche Ereignis verstehen.

[ 10 ] Es wurde aber im Verlaufe der Zeiten immer schwieriger, diese alten Initiationsprinzipien festzuhalten, und so wurde es immer weniger möglich, sich überhaupt auszudrücken, wenn man sagen wollte, wie der Christus aus überirdischen Welten heruntergestiegen ist und das Mysterium von Golgatha so vollendet hat, daß seine Wirkung durch die geschichtliche Erdenentwickelung fortdauert. Die Menschen hatten einfach keine Möglichkeit, ihre Begriffe so auszubilden, ihre Ideen so zu gestalten, daß sie in einer ideellen Form hätten Worte finden können, um zu sagen, was durch den Christus mit Hilfe des Mysteriums von Golgatha geschehen ist.

[ 11 ] Und so war man immer mehr und mehr genötigt, um dieses Geheimnis auszudrücken, zu bildhaften Darstellungen zu greifen. Eine solche bildhafte Darstellung ist die Erzählung von dem Heiligen Gral, von jener kostbaren Schale, von der einerseits gesagt wird, daß in ihr der Christus Jesus mit seinen Aposteln das Abendmahl genommen hat, und andererseits, daß es dieselbe Schale sei, mit der der römische Kriegsknecht unter dem Kreuze das Blut des Erlösers aufgefangen hat. Diese Schale wird dann von Engeln nach dem Montsalvatsch getragen. Sie sehen, es wird da auf Übersinnliches angespielt, und man stammelt, was alte Initiierte noch in konturierten Begriffen hätten ausdrücken können und was man jetzt nur noch ausdrücken konnte, indem man zu Bildern griff. Engel trugen also diese Schale herüber nach dem spanischen Berge Montsalvatsch, wo sie von dem erhabenen König Titurel empfangen wurde, der dieser Schale einen Tempel gründete, den dann die Ritter des Heiligen Grals bewohnten, um so zu bewachen und zu bewahren, was eigentlich der Hort des Fortwirkens jenes Impulses ist, der von dem Mysterium von Golgatha ausgegangen war.

[ 12 ] So haben wir, ich möchte sagen, in ein Geheimnisvolles auslaufend, eine tief esoterische Strömung. Wir sehen auf der einen Seite, wie diese Strömung in Asien drüben Schulen begründet, die den alten griechischen Philosophen Aristoteles studieren, die dort mit Hilfe der griechischen Begriffe des Aristoteles das Ereignis von Golgatha verstehen wollen. Wir sehen, wie aus der europäischen Zivilisation heraus später in einer Dichtung wie im «Parzival» versucht wird, in bildhafte Worte zu fassen, was in dieser Strömung lebte. Wir sehen, wie in den Lehren, die namentlich in den Schulen Irlands auftreten, all das durchschimmert, was in dieser Strömung lebt. Wir sehen, wie in diese Strömung hineingegossen ist das Beste, was von den Arabern gekommen ist, wie da aber zu gleicher Zeit ein fremdes Element dutch die Araber hineinkommt, das in Asien drüben durch das türkische Element noch ganz besonders vergröbert und verbarbarisiert wird.

[ 13 ] Welchen Charakter diese Strömung hier durch die Araber annahm, durch den immer weiteren Fortgang vom Osten nach dem Westen, das wollen wir gleich nachher erörtern, wenn wir die andern Strömungen haben auf uns wirken lassen. Aber wenn wir den Grundcharakter dieser Strömung angeben wollen, so müssen wir ihn etwa so charakterisieren: Diejenigen, die irgendwie innerhalb dieser Geistesströmung lebten, die sahen eigentlich alles Heil darin —- und man kann das noch nachklingen hören in der Parzival-Dichtung des Wolfram von Eschenbach -, von dem Sinnlichen aus sich hinaufzuheben ins Übersinnliche, also eine Art von wenigstens annäherndem Schauen der übersinnlichen Welten zu haben, den Menschen an den übersinnlichen Welten Anteil nehmen zu lassen, ihn wissen zu lassen, daß seine Seele einer Strömung angehört, die nicht unmittelbar wahrgenommen werden kann, wenn man die Sinne auf die irdischen Ereignisse richtet. Das war das Eigentümliche: dieses Hinaufschauen in überirdische, in übersinnliche Regionen, dieses Empfinden, daß der Mensch, wenn er ein vollständiger Mensch sein will, Welten angehören müsse, die gewissermaßen über dem Sinnlich-Natürlichen dahinschweben, in denen Ereignisse geschehen, die sich dem äußeren Auge so verbergen wie die Taten der Gralsritter. Für das äußere Auge sollte das Geheimnis nicht zu schauen sein, das innerhalb dieser Strömung dahinflutete. Das war die eine Strömung, die im 9. Jahrhundert nur ganz leise, aber doch als etwas Feindliches wahrgenommen wurde innerhalb des Rom, in dem Nikolaus I. dazumal Papst war. Es war schon in Rom vollständig die Stimmung vorhanden, diese Strömung als eine feindliche zu betrachten, als eine solche, welche eigentlich den abendländischen Menschen unheilsam ist, wenn sie sich ihr hingeben. Nichts Esoterisches und nichts, was auch nur vom Esoterischen herstammt, sollte innerhalb des Religiösen und des Erkenntnislebens in Europa sein.

[ 14 ] Es war ganz ohne Zweifel das erste, aber auch das furchtbarste Fragezeichen gerade für Nikolaus I., denn er empfand noch das Grandiose des spirituellen Lebens in dieser Strömung, die ja schon seit dem 3., 4. Jahrhundert stark verglommen war — man hatte sogar in Italien eine Gesellschaft zur Ausrottung aller spirituellen Erkenntniswege begründet -, die aber dennoch auf mancherlei geheimnisvollen Wegen in die Herzen der Menschen hereinleuchtete und sich da und dort zeigte. Was da oftmals aus geheimnisvollen Untergründen des welthistorischen Geschehens durchbrach in den Erlebnissen der Menschenseelen, das klagte man der Ketzerei an. Man hatte auch das Gefühl, daß sich allmählich das römisch-lateinische Wesen so entwickelt hatte, daß es in seinen Begriffen, die sich immer mehr aus der früheren griechisch-orientalischen Innigkeit zu der römisch-lateinischen Rhetorik, also zu einer gewissen Äußerlichkeit, gebildet hatten, nicht mehr aufnehmen konnte, was da noch von verglimmender Esoterik lebte. Auf der andern Seite aber war wiederum das Aufleben im einzelnen Menschen und in einzelnen Gemeinschaften, die man als Sekten denunzierte, doch ein außerordentlich Mächtiges.

[ 15 ] Das zweite Fragezeichen, das in welthistorischer Beziehung vor Nikolaus I. stand, war dieses, daß er nach allem, was die katholisch-christliche Kirche bis dahin an Erfahrungen gesammelt hatte, die Bevölkerung des europäischen Abendlandes für nicht geeignet halten mußte, die hochgeistige Spannung zu ertragen, die in den Seelen bewirkt wird, wenn sie sich in der geschilderten Weise zu einem spirituell-esoterischen Erfassen hinaufranken sollen. Man möchte sagen, in der Seele dieses Nikolaus 1. lagerte sich ab der große Zweifel: Was soll werden, wenn zuviel von dieser esoterisch-spirituellen Strömung in europäische Seelen hineinkommt?

[ 16 ] Im Orient selbst verwirrte sich immer mehr und mehr, was da vothanden war. Eigentlich am reinsten hielt sich diese eine Strömung, die sich bis nach Irland hinein erstreckte, und in Irland waren wirklich eine Zeitlang spirituelle Schulen, welche die heiligen Geheimnisse dieser Strömung in einer hohen Reinheit bewahrten.

[ 17 ] Nun aber sagte sich Nikolaus I.: Für die europäische Bevölkerung taugt das nichts. — Er wollte im Grunde genommen nur dasselbe, was in einer etwas andern Weise schon ‚Bonifatius gewollt hatte, der es als eine europäische Eigentümlichkeit angesehen hatte, daß die europäische Bevölkerung nicht geeignet sei, das spirituelle Leben in die Seelen aufzunehmen. Und so stellt sich denn das Eigentümliche heraus, daß im Orient der eigentliche esoterische Gehalt abschmolz. Die Menschen im Orient, auch im europäischen Orient nach dem heutigen Rußland herein, konnten ihre Seelen nicht zusammenbringen mit diesem esoterisch-spirituellen Gehalt. Sie hatten aber ein Empfinden dafür, insofern solche Empfindungen nicht von den heranrückenden turanischen Bevölkerungen gründlich ausgerottet wurden, die dann eben sich als die Türken offenbarten. Es hatten diese Menschen des Ostens ein dumpfes, stumpfes Gefühl davon, daß alles das, was hohe Esoterik ist und vom Menschen mit seinem heranrückenden Intellekt nicht erfaßt werden kann, im Kultus strömt und flutet, aber nur dann, wenn der Kultus zu gleicher Zeit einen äußerlich realen Mittelpunkt, gewissermaßen ein geographisches Zentrum hat.

[ 18 ] So entstand im Osten von Europa, wo das eigentlich EsoterischSpirituelle vergessen wurde, die Hinneigung zum Kultus, verbunden aber mit einem ungeheuren Hängen an dem, was man als den Mittelpunkt des Kultus empfand, mit einem Hängen an dem Grab des Erlösers. Da an dem Grab des Erlösers in Jerusalem war die Stätte, wo der Erlöser mit seinen Aposteln zusammen das Abendmahl zuerst gefeiert hatte, jenes Abendmahl, das dann in seiner weiteren Metamorphose zu dem Tode auf Golgatha geworden war, sich durch den Tod auf Golgatha erst erfüllt hatte, und das dann fortlebte in der Mittelpunktszeremonie, in dem Meßopfer und in dem übrigen Zeremoniell. Und indem man gewissermaßen sich von dem eigentlichen Spirituellen entfremdete, weil man nicht hinaufgelangte bis zum esoterischen Erfassen, hing man mit dem Herzen an dem Kultus und an dem, womit dieser Kultus äußerlich zusammenhing, an dem Grab des Erlösers, an der Stätte in Jerusalem. Das Pilgern nach Jerusalem sollte, ich möchte sagen, krönen die zeremoniellen Festlichkeiten, die an jenen Orten begangen werden konnten. All die Zeremonien mit ihren Ritualien, die an den einzelnen Orten begangen werden konnten, sollten für den einzelnen Menschen die Krönung finden dadurch, daß er gewissermaßen das, was er im Abbilde, im Zeremoniell erlebte, dann mit seinem Herzen durchdrang, indem er selber einmal hinpilgerte zu dem Grabe des Erlösers.

[ 19 ] Was sich schon die alten Ägypter mit einem riesigen Zwang herausgebildet hatten, so wie ich es an der Betrachtung der Mumie, des mumifizierten Menschen dargestellt habe, die Begriffe: einzelne Schulen drüben in Asien konnten es noch erfassen, aber der Bevölkerung ging es verloren. Man konnte sich nicht hinaufringen zu dem, was das Geheimnis des Menschen und damit das Geheimnis der göttlichen Welt ist.

[ 20 ] Je weiter man daher in der Zeit des Papstes Nikolaus I. vorrückte, um so mehr sah man im Osten eine innige, herzliche Verehrung des Kultus und ein inniges, herzliches Hängen an dem Zusammenwirken des Kultus und alles dessen, was man am Kultus erleben, empfinden konnte, mit dem, was man dann als die Krönung dieser Empfindungen, gewissermaßen als die größte Kultushandlung empfand: das Hinpilgern zu dem Heiligen Grabe. Wenn man von dem Rom des 9. Jahrhunderts, von dem Rom des Papstes Nikolaus I. nach Osten hinübersah, da sah man das eine, wovon sich Nikolaus I. und seine Ratgeber sagten, daß das nicht für die europäische, nicht für die mittel und nicht für die westeuropäische Bevölkerung tauge. Diese mittel- und diese westeuropäische Bevölkerung habe zuviel von dem in der Menschheitsentwickelung heranstürmenden Intellekt, um an dem bloßen, allerdings durch das Herz innig durchtränkten Anschauen des Zeremoniells und an dem Gange nach dem Heiligen Grabe zu hängen. Zuviel habe die europäische Menschheit von heraufkommendem Intellektualismus, um in einer solchen Weise ganz Mensch sein zu können. Man sah, daß das im Osten möglich ist, aber mutete es der Menschheit Mitteleuropas und des Westens nicht zu.

[ 21 ] Auf der andern Seite sah man auch das erste Fragezeichen. Man sah es als eine ungeheure Gefahr an, wenn nach Europa herüberkommen sollte, was innerhalb dieser Strömung lag, die so viel von Esoterik, so viel von dem in sich hatte, was nun wirklich durch die spiritualisierten Ideen eigentlich erst völlig begriffen werden kann. Und so möchte ich sagen: Wenn man. von dem Rom des Papstes Nikolaus 1. nach dem Westen hinüber Ausblick hielt, dann sah man Gefahr; blickte man nach dem Osten, sah man Gefahr. Im Osten sah man eine Strömung sich ausbreiten, die tief nach Europa hereinging - eigentlich eine Reihe von Strömungen -, die Strömung des esoterischen Kultus, im Gegensatz zu jener andern esoterischen Strömung. Mitteleuropa kann und darf nicht ergriffen werden, weder von der einen noch von der andern Strömung - so sagte man sich an dem päpstlichen Hofe von Nikolaus I. Was hat zu geschehen? Es muß dasjenige Gut, das die richtigen Angehörigen dieser esoterischen Strömung schauten, es muß dieses spirituelle Gut in dogmatische Formen gebracht werden. Man muß Worte, Sätze dafür haben, es muß ausgesprochen werden. Aber man muß die Menschen davor behüten, daß sie das Ausgesprochene schauen können, erkennen können.

[ 22 ] Es entstand die Glaubensvorstellung. Es entstand die Vorstellung: man muß den Menschen, ohne ihnen die Möglichkeit des Schauens zu geben, in abstrakt-dogmatischer Form den Inhalt geben, an den sie glauben können. Und so entstand diese dritte Strömung, die Mittel- und Westeuropa religiös und auch wissenschaftlich ergriff, die zunächst für den heranstürmenden Intellekt die Dogmen hatte, aber nicht so, daß diese Dogmen in Begriffe gefaßtes Schauen gewesen wären, sondern diese Strömung hatte die Dogmen so, daß sie ausgesprochen wurden. Das, was sie darstellten, schaute man nicht mehr, man sollte nur daran glauben.

[ 23 ] Hätte diese esoterische Strömung, die bis nach Irland hineingereicht hat und da in den neueren Zeiten verglommen ist, sachgemäß verfolgt werden sollen, dann hätten die Menschen sich innerhalb ihrer einleben müssen in eine Vereinigung der Seele mit der spirituellen Welt. Denn im Grunde genommen war das, was in dieser esoterischen Strömung lebte, die große Frage: Wie gelangt der Mensch dazu, in der ätherischen Welt, im ätherischen Kosmos sich zurechtzufinden? Denn die Schauungen, die auch das Geheimnis von Golgatha in der Art einschlossen, wie ich es gerade vorhin wiederum charakterisiert habe, bezogen sich auf das Ätherische des Kosmos. So daß man sagen konnte: Hier war die große Frage nach der Eigentümlichkeit des ätherischen Kosmos. Aber was sich auf den ätherischen Kosmos bezog, das wurde für die mittlere Strömung, für diejenige Strömung, die vorzugsweise in die Form des Lateinertums, bis tief ins Mittelalter hinein, gefaßt worden ist, zum dogmatischen Inhalt.

[ 24 ] Im Westen war die Frage, unbewußt, nach dem Geheimnis des ätherischen Kosmos. Im Osten war die große Frage innerhalb der Menschheit heraufgetaucht: Wie verhält es sich mit der ätherischen Organisation, mit dem ätherischen Menschenorganismus?

[ 25 ] In allen in Kultus, Zeremonie und Ritual ablaufenden Stimmungen und Erkenntnissen des Ostens lebte unbewußt die Frage: Wie kommt der Mensch mit seinem ätherischen Leibe zurecht? — In der südwestlichen Strömung lebte die Frage: Wie kommt der Mensch mit dem ätherischen Kosmos zurecht? — Früher hatte der Mensch die Wahrheiten über die übersinnliche Welt durch ein traumhaftes Hellsehen wie von selbst erlangt; er brauchte sich nicht des Ätherischen in der Welt und in sich selbst bewußt zu werden. Das war das Bedeutsame, was die neuere Zeit heraufbrachte, daß an den Menschen die große Frage nach dem Inhalt des Ätherischen herantrat - im Westen die Frage nach dem ätherischen Kosmos, im Osten die Frage nach dem eigenen ätherischen Leibe.

[ 26 ] Die Frage nach dem ätherischen Kosmos ruft den Menschen zu höchster Entfaltung seiner Geistigkeit auf. Er muß die stärkste Kraft der Ideen entwickeln, um in die Geheimnisse des Kosmos einzudringen. Ich habe Ihnen gestern angedeutet, wie man sie zuerst findet, wenn man in Goethescher Form die Pflanzenmetamorphose betrachtet, dann aber aufsteigt zu jener umfassenden Metamorphose, die von einem Erdenleben ins andere Erdenleben hinüberführt. Aber das wurde in Rom für gefährlich gehalten, namentlich in der angedeuteten Zeit des Papstes Nikolaus I. Es sollte gewissermaßen ausgefüllt und zugedeckt werden, was in dieser Strömung lebte.

[ 27 ] Aber auch die andere Strömung, die östliche Strömung, bestand in einer Auseinandersetzung mit dem Ätherischen, nur mit dem Ätherischen der eigenen Organisation, mit dem eigenen ätherischen Menschenleib. Mit dem, was sich in dem äußeren Naturreich darlebt, mit Tieren, Pflanzen, Mineralien, lebt der physische Menschenleib, mit alldem, was der Mensch an Maschinen fabriziert, lebt der physische Menschenleib. Will der Mensch aber mit seinem ätherischen Leib hier auf der Erde leben, dann kann er das nur in äußerlicher Weise, wenn er in Zeremonien, wenn er innerhalb des Ritualismus lebt, wenn er innerhalb von Geschehnissen lebt, die nicht irdisch-sinnlich-reale sind. In solche Geschehnisse wollte man sich im Osten einleben, um die innere Eigentümlichkeit des eigenen menschlichen ätherischen Organismus zu erleben.

[ 28 ] Auch das fand man in dem Rom des 9. Jahrhunderts, in dem Rom des Papstes Nikolaus I., nicht geeignet für Europa. Vom Westen behielt man bloß - und erstreckte es dann wieder weiter zum Westen hin, so daß diese esoterische Strömung ganz verdeckt wurde — dasjenige, was der Intellekt bis zur Dogmatik heraufbringt, wo an die übersinnlichen Wahrheiten nur noch geglaubt wird, wo sie nicht mehr geschaut werden. Aber auch jenes innere Verhältnis zum Kultus, das in Osteuropa sich entwickelt hatte, glaubte man für die mittel- und westeuropäische Bevölkerung nicht geeignet, und daraus entstand dann jene Modifikation des Kultus, die man eben in der römischkatholischen Kirche hat.

[ 29 ] Wenn Sie einmal den Kultus, wie er in der östlichen, in der russisch-orthodoxen Kirche ist, mit der Art und Weise des Kultus vergleichen, wie er in der römisch-katholischen Kirche lebt, dann finden Sie folgenden Unterschied: In der römisch-katholischen Kirche ist mehr ein angeschautes Symbolum, im Osten ist mehr etwas, in das sich die Seele mit einer vollen Inbrunst hineinlebt. Im Westen war stets das Bedürfnis vorhanden, von dem Kultus, der sich mit der dogmatischen Auffassung verband, immer wieder zu den Dogmen hinüberzugehen und von den Dogmen aus den Kultus zu beleuchten. Im Osten wirkte der Kultus für sich. Und das, was nach dem Westen ging, beschränkte sich schließlich darauf, allmählich zu dem zu werden, was dann in äußerlicher Weise in verschiedenen okkulten Gemeinschaften bewahrt wurde, die ja auch heute noch vorhanden sind, die heute zwar eine große Rolle spielen, aber von aller Esoterik der alten Zeit entblößt sind.

[ 30 ] In Europa einen Kultus zu inaugurieren, der nicht so in das Äthetische der Menschennatur eingreift, wie es im Osten geschieht, und eine Dogmatik einzurichten, die es dem Menschen ersparen soll, sein Schauen zu der spirituellen Welt hinaufzuführen, eine solche Doppelströmung einzuführen, das war das dritte große Fragezeichen, das vor Nikolaus I. stand. Und daran arbeitete er. Dadurch ist es geschehen, daß später die griechisch-orientalische Kirche sich vollständig von der römisch-katholischen getrennt hat. In dem, was ich angeführt habe, liegen eigentlich die inneren Gründe.

[ 31 ] Das alles, was ich Ihnen hier auseinandergesetzt habe, ist eigentlich auf dem Grunde der Seelen sehr deutlich noch zur Zeit der Regierung des Papstes Nikolaus I. in der Mitte des 9. nachchristlichen Jahrhunderts vorhanden gewesen. Da waren auch durchaus noch Reste von Esoterik im Westen vorhanden. Da waren, namentlich in Spanien, in Frankreich, in Irland, esoterische Schulen. Da waren Menschen, die in die geistigen Welten hineinschauen konnten, die auch ein Christentum hatten, das durch Schauen gelehrt war. Später erhielten sich von dem, was da als Schauen vorhanden war, eben nur die in Andeutungen vorhandenen, in geheimnisvoller Weise immer wieder und wiederum geprägten Hinblicke auf den Heiligen Gral oder auf sein verweltlichtes Gegenbild, auf die Tafelrunde des Königs Artus. Aber man hatte schon das Gefühl: dadrinnen liegt etwas, was mit einem Schauen überirdischer Welten, was mit einem Erleben überirdischer Welten zusammenhängt.

[ 32 ] In Mitteleuropa und übergreifend dann in die Stätten, wo im Westen noch Esoterik vorhanden war, lebte eben dasjenige, was innige, Glauben tragende Dogmatik in Verbindung mit einer nicht voll mit dem menschlichen Ätherleib zusammenhängenden Zeremonienwelt ergab. Und im Osten lebte, was ich ja charakterisiert habe. Man müßte, wenn man für das 9. Jahrhundert die europäische Seele schildert, überall in den verschiedenen Varianten diese drei verschiedenen Seelenstimmungen charakterisieren. Das andere, was in der Geschichte erzählt wird, ist alles nur ein flüchtiger äußerer Ausdruck dessen, was in den Tiefen auf solche Art waltete.

[ 33 ] Aber nun kamen die späteren Zeiten. Es kamen jene Zeiten, in denen dieser esoterischen Strömung sozusagen nachgeschoben wurde, was im Arabismus immer mehr und mehr sich veräußerlichte. Man möchte sagen, was da in Asien drüben aus dem Aristoteles gemacht worden war, das strömte auch herüber; und in diesem späteren Nachströmen vermaterialisierte sich diese esoterische Strömung, die aus einer sehr spirituellen Auffassung kam. Und wir sehen, daß zum Beispiel schon im 11., 12. Jahrhundert die Esoterik immer mehr und mehr hinunterglimmt, abschmilzt, und daß gerade diese esoterische Strömung jene materialistische Denkungsform annimmt, die dann in späterer Metamorphose zum Materialismus in der Naturwissenschaft wurde; denn der ist eigentlich aus dem Arabismus heraus entsprungen.

[ 34 ] Die mittlere Strömung, die eigentliche Schöpfung des Papstes Nikolaus 1., die aber schon von Bonifatius genährt worden war, die eine wesentliche Stütze an den Merowingern und an den Karolingern gefunden hatte und die Jahrhunderte hindurch nur noch wenig tingiert war von dem, was durch die Gralssage und die andern heiligen Sagen den Blick der Menschenseele in die übersinnliche Welt lenkte, sie kam immer mehr und mehr dazu, den Kultus und die Dogmatik zu vermaterialisieren. Aus jenen reineren Anschauungen, die man zum Beispiel in den älteren Zeiten von der Transsubstantiation, von dem Verlaufe der Messehandlungen und so weiter hatte, wurden dann jene derbmateriellen Auffassungen, die einzig und allein dazu führen konnten, daß man anfing, sich über das Abendmahl zu streiten. Die Streite über das Abendmahl waren ein Beweis dafür, daß man es nicht mehr so verstand, wie es ursprünglich aufgefaßt war. Man kann es eben nur verstehen, wenn es von spiritueller Erkenntnis durchzogen ist. So vermaterialisierte sich diese westliche, ost-süd-westliche Strömung, so vermaterialisierte sich die mittlere Strömung, und immer mehr und mehr vermaterialisierte sich in wesentlicher Art auch die östliche Strömung. Die Welle des Materialismus kam herauf. Aber überall bäumte sich dennoch die Menschheit gegen diese Welle des Materialismus in einer gewissen Weise auf.

[ 35 ] Und nun gehen wir aus dem Zeitalter des 9. Jahrhunderts, aus dem Zeitalter des Papstes Nikolaus I., herauf bis in das 11. Jahrhundert. Wir müssen uns durchaus vorstellen, daß die drei Fragezeichen wirklich wie drei furchtbare, seelenquälende Gewalten vor einer solchen Persönlichkeit wie dem Papste Nikolaus I. standen. Denn er konnte nicht etwa sagen, wie man es später in Kongressen gemacht hat, wo man Landkartenstriche gezogen hat, so wie man es aus äußeren Verhältnissen heraus für richtig hielt, er konnte nicht sagen: Ich befehle, daß hier und hier eine Grenze ist. — Das konnte er nicht sagen, denn so ließen sich die Seelen nicht abgrenzen. Er konnte gewissermaßen Richtungen angeben und der einen, der mittleren Richtung, eine besondere Stärke verleihen. Darin war Nikolaus I. ganz besonders genial, der mittleren europäischen Strömung eine besondere Stärke zu gewähren. Aber das war dennoch der Fall, daß zum Beispiel die Stimmung, die im Osten war, bis weit in den Westen hereinging, jene Stimmung, welche die innere Glut des menschlichen ätherischen Organismus an den heiligen Weihehandlungen des Kultus entzündete und die zu gleicher Zeit, jetzt in einer mehr westeuropäischen Weise, den AblaufdieserWeihehandlungenmitdem Zentrum in Jerusalem verband.

[ 36 ] Was noch vom Osten nach Mitteleuropa und nach dem Westen hereinragte an Pilgerstimmung, an Hinneigung zu dem realen Mittelpunkte, dem konnte ein Peter von Amiens zunächst ein wenig, nachher aber ein Bernhard von Clairvaux mit einer wirklichen blendenden Glut das Kreuz predigen. Und dem, was in Europa an solcher Pilgerströmung vorhanden war, mischte sich die Strömung bei, die übriggeblieben war aus diesem Westlichen auf dem Umwege durch das Gralstum, durch das Artustum: was da übriggeblieben war, als die Esoterik, ich möchte sagen, ausgeflossen war und der Mensch da war mit dieser äußeren Form, jener Mensch, dem die Erde nicht eigentlich die Erde war, sondern ein besonderer Ort im ganzen Kosmos.

[ 37 ] So etwas lebte tatsächlich als Anschauung in dem westeuropäischen und mitteleuropäischen Rittertum, das dann sich der Kreuzzugsstimmung anschloß. Und nur wie ein leiser Unterton, der allerdings dann, als die Kreuzzüge weitergingen, immer stärker und stärker wurde, mischte sich da hinein, was Nikolaus I. als die eigentliche europäische Zivilisationsstimmung in Religion und Erkenntnis begründet hatte. Deshalb muten uns die Kreuzzüge als etwas an, was aus den späteren Verhältnissen heraus eigentlich gar nicht mehr voll zu verstehen ist. Denn die mittlere Strömung hat sich dann ausgebreitet. Daneben ist die osteuropäische Strömung geblieben, die innerhalb Europas eben als eine zurückgebliebene Religionsströmung angesehen wird. Die westeuropäische Strömung hat sich verwandelt in die Ranken des Okkult-Esoterischen, in allerlei okkulte Gesellschaften, Freimaurerorden und so weiter. Die mittlere hat endlich auch die Wissenschaft ergriffen in der Scholastik, in der neueren Naturwissenschaft.

[ 38 ] Wer nur das sieht, was da in der neueren Zeit geworden ist, der begreift die Kreuzzugsstimmung nicht. Die Kreuzzugsstimmung begreift nur, wer fassen kann, was von jenem Impuls gerade vom 4., 5. nachchristlichen Jahrhundert bis in das 12., 13. Jahrhundert lebte und was Papst Nikolaus I. im 9. Jahrhundert besonders stark empfunden hat, die Frage: Wie verbindet man dasjenige, was in der äußeren Welt vorhanden ist an Geschehnissen, in die der Mensch selbst eingreift und von denen die Kultushandlungen die vorzüglichsten sind, mit dem lebendigen Strom des spirituellen Lebens, des Lebens der spirituellen Wesenheiten? Man möchte sagen, beim europäischen Menschen fing es im 9., 10., 11. Jahrhundert an: so wie ihm die Realitäten des Kultus auf der einen Seite entfallen mußten, entfielen ihm die Realitäten des spirituellen Schauens auf der andern Seite. Während die Realitäten des Kultus in das Unbestimmte Asiens hinüber entschwanden und in der Eroberung durch die Türken den heiligen Ort zudeckten, an den für den Christen diese Kultushandlungen anknüpfen sollten, fielen durch die Entdeckung Amerikas — wenn ich mich bildlich ausdrücken darf - die esoterischen Geheimnisse der westlichen Strömungen in den Atlantischen Ozean hinein. Es entstand als eine Reaktion die Stimmung: Wie erfüllt man das, was doch da sein muß, die heiligen Weihehandlungen und ihr Zentrum, den Ort in Jerusalem, wie erfüllt man das mit spirituellem Leben?

[ 39 ] Wer die Reden Bernhard von Clairvaux’ liest, kann heute noch fühlen, wie aus ihm heraus das inbrünstige Hängen an dem Kultus spricht, an dem äußerlich-sinnlichen, in welchem Esoterik lebt, und wie andererseits sein Herz durchglüht ist von dem, was einmal in jener esoterischen Stimmung des Westens gelebt hat. In die Predigten, in die Reden des Bernhard von Clairvaux tönt, wenn er es auch nicht ausspricht, aber indem er es grandios künstlerisch anklingen läßt, das hinein, was der ätherische Kosmos dem Menschen enthüllen möchte und nicht mehr enthüllen kann, und gleichzeitig das, was in dem eigenen menschlichen ätherischen Organismus von der Erde aus wirken möchte. Das treibt die Menschen nach Asien hinüber, um wiederum zu suchen, was sie nach Westen hinüber verloren hatten. Die Esoterik war dennoch der treibende Impuls. Was man nach Westen hinüber verloren hatte, dessen wollte man ansichtig werden, indem man sich wiederum mit dem Grab des Erlösers verband. Darin besteht die Tragik der nachfolgenden Zeit, daß man das nicht begriffen hat, daß man zum Beispiel nicht hören konnte auf so etwas, wie es dann die rosenkreuzerische Stimmung - ich meine in ihrer wahren Gestalt — geworden ist, die allerdings den Christus in geistigen Höhen, nicht am physischen Grabe hat suchen wollen. Heute aber ist die Zeit gekommen, wo die Menschheit begreifen soll, daß, ebenso wie den Persönlichkeiten, die nach dem Tode des Erlösers an das Grab gekommen sind, gesagt worden ist: «Der, den ihr suchet, ist nicht mehr hier, suchet ihn woanders», daß auch den Kreuzfahrern gesagt worden ist: «Der, den ihr suchet, ist nicht mehr hier, suchet ihn woanders.» Heute ist die Zeit, wo man wieder woanders suchen muß den, der nicht mehr hier ist, wo man ihn suchen muß durch eine neue Erschließung der geistigen Welten.

[ 40 ] Das ist es, was als die Aufgabe vor dem Menschen der Gegenwart dasteht, das ist es, was ich gewissermaßen im Anschlusse an die Betrachtungen, die in den letzten Tagen hier gepflogen worden sind, noch sagen wollte. Und bei dieser Gelegenheit möchte ich doch nicht versäumen, anschließend an das, was ich nun versucht habe, wenn auch ganz skizzenhaft, aus der anthroposophischen Esoterik herauszuholen, Ihnen zu sagen, daß doch wirklich in den Seelen, die sich zur Anthroposophischen Gesellschaft zählen und die Anthroposophie als ihr Bekenntnis haben wollen, leben möge die Empfindung von der ungeheuren Bedeutung des gegenwärtigen historischen Momentes, der Bedeutung von dem Aufsuchen der spirituellen Welten. Und deshalb möchte ich heute im Anschlusse an diese einschneidenden Betrachtungen, die ich eben gepflogen habe, sagen: Möchte es doch innerhalb der einzelnen Kreise der Anthroposophischen Gesellschaft versucht werden, sich des Ernstes des gegenwärtigen historischen Momentes bewußt zu werden und sich selber und die Verhältnisse zu fragen, ob es nicht möglich wäre, diese Anthroposophische Gesellschaft in einem gewissen Sinne wiederum zu galvanisieren, so daß sie aus einem gewissen schläfrigen Zustande herauskommen und erwachen würde zu einem wirklichen Leben. Wir brauchen es heute, wo einzelnes Bedeutungsvolles auf den verschiedensten Gebieten des wissenschaftlichen und des praktischen Lebens aus der Anthroposophischen Gesellschaft herauskommen soll, wir brauchten es heute, daß die Anthroposophische Gesellschaft im weitesten Umfange Seelen habe, in denen reges Leben ist, die von der Einsicht in die Wichtigkeit des historischen Momentes befeuert sind.

[ 41 ] Wenn es irgend geht, dann fragen Sie sich und fragen Sie andere, ob es nicht doch in der nächsten Zeit möglich ist, die alte Anthroposophischen Gesellschaft wiederum etwas zu galvanisieren und ihr Leben zuzuführen von dem Leben ihrer Einzelseelen. Notwendig wäre es! Gekonnt werden, das ist auch eine Möglichkeit! Aber die Menschenseelen, die ihr Leben an der Einsicht in den wichtigen historischen Moment entzünden möchten, müssen sich auf unserem Grund und Boden finden. Tun Sie für die anthroposophische Bewegung, was für sie zu tun in der letzten Zeit doch mehr oder weniger von vielen vergessen worden ist.

Eighth lecture

[ 1 ] In our last reflections, we pointed to comprehensive impulses within the world historical development of humanity. Such comprehensive impulses must stand, as it were, as shining stars for historical observation, illuminating for our understanding the individual events that have taken place in the course of human development. Each individual historical epoch can actually only be understood in a very superficial way unless one is able to sense and understand the impulses behind it. These impulses are at work. They are most powerful when they work through the unconscious forces of the human soul. And what happens externally, outside of people's consciousness, only appears in its true light when we can trace it back to such impulses.

[ 2 ] Let us take an event that is well known to everyone from history, an event, or rather a series of events, which in the middle of the Middle Ages had a profound impact on the entire life of the Western world, a series of events which, outwardly, came to an end relatively quickly, after a century or a century and a half, but whose effects continued and, for those who can understand the deeper currents in world history, continue to this day: Let us take the series of events known as the Crusades, which began in the 11th century — usually the year 1096 is given — and then outwardly extended to the year that is usually taken as 1270. We can also see that even in external history, attention is drawn to how a variety of institutions developed out of the series of events of the Crusades. For example, the Knights Templar are mentioned, who only gained their true significance for external life during the Crusades; religious orders such as the Knights Hospitaller, later the Knights of Malta, and others are mentioned. And what began as a result of the spirit of the Crusades through such communities of life and spirit later developed in such a way that its origin in the spirit of the Crusades was less mentioned, but its effects were clearly present in Western life.

[ 4 ] If we first consider the external historical facts, we know that the Crusades arose because those Christians in the West who believed they could continually refresh their Christian impulses by pilgrimages to Palestine encountered resistance due to the fact that Palestine Jerusalem had gradually fallen into the hands of a completely different population, the Turkish population, and that the pilgrims who traveled to Jerusalem found themselves mistreated by this Turkish population, which then became a general complaint in Europe. We see how this general complaint gave rise to the spirit of the Crusades, which had already existed in a different form for a long time, in that people were found who called for the holy sites of the Orient, the Christian sites, to be freed from the Turkish yoke. It is told how Peter of Amiens, who had himself experienced this Turkish oppression, first went on pilgrimage throughout Western Europe and, through his heartfelt speeches, won the hearts of many who wanted to set out to free Jerusalem from the oppression of the Turks. But we also know how this initially came to nothing and how a first crusade then came about when a large number of Western knights gathered under the leadership of Godfrey of Bouillon, who then actually succeeded in at least temporarily liberating Jerusalem from the Turks.

[ 5 ] These external events need only be mentioned; they are well known from external history. But it is also important to take a truly understanding look at what was going on inside people's minds, more or less unconsciously, that caused so many people to undertake these seven crusades to the East over such a long period of time, sometimes with extraordinary devotion and bravery, and to follow the most respected princes of the West. Above all, we must ask ourselves where this enthusiasm for the Crusades came from, which prevailed within European life, especially at the beginning of the Crusades. Later, however, once the matter had been initiated, if I may express it thus, from the fourth Crusade onwards, other interests became involved. European princes then set out for the Orient for entirely different reasons, for example to consolidate their prestige and power, and so on. But the beginning of the Crusades is nevertheless an extraordinarily significant historical event.

[ 6 ] It is particularly significant from a historical point of view when one considers the tremendous force that suddenly seized a large number of Europeans of all classes to undertake something that was to be connected with the most sacred concerns of the European people. However, it was felt that these most sacred matters of the heart were closely connected with the liberation of Jerusalem from the Turks and with the opening up of the possibility that European Christians would once again find free passage to the tomb of their Savior. When the historical facts are recounted in such a dry manner or read in books, one does not usually feel the tremendous fire that burned throughout Europe at that time, when the noble knights set out on the First Crusade and when, out of the depths of their hearts and the fire of their souls, Bernard of Clairvaux and others rekindled this fire, this movement. There is something tremendously great in the first emergence of these Crusades. And one has to ask oneself: What impulses were at work in the hearts and souls of Europeans, impulses that then fed into the mood for the Crusades?

[ 7 ] These impulses can only be properly understood if one traces back through the centuries to see how they actually developed. I would say that a turning point in European history, at which one can see an extraordinary amount of what later became significant and decisive, was the reign of Pope Nicholas I in the middle of the 9th century. Nicholas I, who reigned from 858 to 867, was the Roman pope who saw three spiritual currents before his soul, which, I would say, appeared before him like great question marks of civilization.

[ 8 ] One current moved as if on a kind of spiritual high ground from Asia to Europe. We can say that this current, in a very modified, altered form, carried Eastern religious insights across southern Europe, northern Africa, Spain, France, the British Isles, and especially Ireland. Let us assume that its starting point was in the Arab regions of Asia. It then spread across Greece and Italy, but also across Africa to Spain and up through the West, while also radiating its essence in various ways to the rest of Europe.

[ 9 ] This current has little expression in what is recounted as external history. This current, which actually contains an enormous amount, can be characterized today by two of its peculiarities. One of these is something that could be called an esoteric view of the mystery of Golgotha. I have often drawn your attention to how those personalities who still preserved remnants of the old initiatory knowledge that existed before the mystery of Golgotha understood the mystery of Golgotha. In the Bible itself, this can be seen in the appearance of the three magi or kings from the East, who, out of the mystery of the starry world, sense and seek the Christ event, and who therefore belong primarily to those who were less familiar with the earthly personality of Jesus of Nazareth, but who were concerned above all with the fact that a spiritual being, the Christ, had descended from spiritual-soul worlds, had taken up residence in the body of Jesus of Nazareth, and was to exert an impulse on the further development of the earth. These people viewed the event of Golgotha in a completely supersensible way, and this supersensible view could only take place in souls that still preserved the old principles of initiation. For with the help of these principles of initiation, it was possible to understand something that cannot be understood within the natural and historical world. Within these principles of initiation, this purely supersensible event could be understood.

[ 10 ] However, in the course of time it became increasingly difficult to hold fast to these ancient principles of initiation, and so it became less and less possible to express oneself at all when one wanted to say how Christ descended from super-earthly worlds and completed the mystery of Golgotha in such a way that its effect continues through the historical development of the earth. People simply had no way of developing their concepts or shaping their ideas in such a way that they could find words in an ideal form to express what had happened through Christ with the help of the mystery of Golgotha.

[ 11 ] And so, in order to express this mystery, people were increasingly compelled to resort to pictorial representations. One such pictorial representation is the story of the Holy Grail, that precious chalice which, on the one hand, is said to have been used by Christ Jesus and his apostles at the Last Supper and, on the other hand, to be the same chalice from which the Roman soldier under the cross collected the blood of the Savior. This chalice is then carried by angels to Montsalvatsch. You see, there is an allusion to the supernatural, and people stammer what ancient initiates could still have expressed in clear terms and what can now only be expressed by resorting to images. Angels carried this cup to the Spanish mountain Montsalvatsch, where it was received by the exalted King Titurel, who founded a temple for this cup, which was then inhabited by the Knights of the Holy Grail in order to guard and preserve what is actually the refuge of the continuing influence of that impulse that had emanated from the mystery of Golgotha.

[ 12 ] Thus, I would say, we have a deeply esoteric current that leads to something mysterious. On the one hand, we see how this current founded schools in Asia that studied the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle and sought to understand the events of Golgotha with the help of Aristotle's Greek concepts. We see how, later on, European civilization attempted to capture what was alive in this current in poetic terms, as in “Parzival.” We see how everything that lives in this current shines through in the teachings that appear particularly in the schools of Ireland. We see how the best that came from the Arabs was poured into this current, but at the same time how a foreign element entered through the Arabs, which was further coarsened and barbarized in Asia by the Turkish element.

[ 13 ] We will discuss the character that this current took on here through the Arabs, through its ever-increasing spread from the East to the West, immediately afterwards, when we have allowed the other currents to work on us. But if we want to indicate the basic character of this current, we must characterize it something like this: Those who lived in some way within this spiritual current saw everything in it as salvation — and one can still hear this echoing in Wolfram von Eschenbach's Parzival — to lift oneself up from the sensual to the supersensible, thus to have at least an approximate glimpse of the supersensible worlds, to allow human beings to participate in the supersensible worlds, to let them know that their soul belongs to a current that cannot be perceived directly when the senses are directed toward earthly events. That was the peculiar thing: this looking up into supernatural, supersensible regions, this feeling that if man wants to be a complete human being, he must belong to worlds that, in a sense, float above the sensual-natural, in which events take place that are as hidden from the outer eye as the deeds of the Grail knights. The mystery that flowed within this current was not to be seen by the outer eye. This was the one current that was perceived in the 9th century, only very quietly but nevertheless as something hostile, within Rome, where Nicholas I was pope at that time. There was already a widespread mood in Rome that this current should be regarded as hostile, as something that was actually harmful to Western man if he gave himself over to it. Nothing esoteric and nothing that even originated from the esoteric should be part of religious and intellectual life in Europe.

[ 14 ] This was undoubtedly the first, but also the most terrible question mark for Nicholas I in particular, for he still felt the grandeur of spiritual life in this movement, which had already been greatly diminished since the 3rd 4th centuries—a society had even been founded in Italy to eradicate all paths of spiritual knowledge—but which nevertheless shone into the hearts of people in many mysterious ways and manifested itself here and there. What often broke through from the mysterious depths of world historical events into the experiences of human souls was accused of heresy. There was also a feeling that the Roman-Latin nature had gradually developed in such a way that its concepts, which had increasingly evolved from the earlier Greek-Oriental intimacy to Roman-Latin rhetoric, i.e., to a certain outward appearance, could no longer absorb what was still alive in the fading esotericism. On the other hand, however, the revival in individual people and in individual communities, which were denounced as sects, was nevertheless extraordinarily powerful. The second question mark that stood before Nicholas I in relation to world history was this: after all that the Catholic -Christian Church had accumulated up to that point, he had to consider the population of the European West unsuited to endure the highly spiritual tension that is caused in souls when they are supposed to climb their way up to a spiritual-esoteric understanding in the manner described. One might say that the great doubt lay in the soul of this Nicholas I: What would happen if too much of this esoteric-spiritual current entered European souls?

[ 16 ] In the Orient itself, what was going on became more and more confused. This one current, which extended as far as Ireland, was actually the purest, and for a time there were indeed spiritual schools in Ireland which preserved the sacred secrets of this current in a high degree of purity. Now, however, Nicholas I said to himself: This is no good for the European population. — He basically wanted the same thing that Boniface had wanted in a slightly different way, who had regarded it as a European peculiarity that the European population was not suited to receiving spiritual life into their souls. And so it turns out that the peculiarity is that in the East, the actual esoteric content melted away. The people of the East, including the European East after the arrival of present-day Russia, could not bring their souls into harmony with this esoteric-spiritual content. However, they had a feeling for it, insofar as such feelings were not thoroughly eradicated by the advancing Turanian populations, who then revealed themselves as the Turks. These people of the East had a vague, dull feeling that everything that is high esotericism and cannot be grasped by human beings with their advancing intellect flows and floods into cult, but only when the cult has at the same time an outwardly real center, a geographical center, so to speak.

[ 18 ] Thus, in Eastern Europe, where the actual esoteric-spiritual had been forgotten, a tendency toward cult arose, combined with an immense attachment to what was perceived as the center of the cult, an attachment to the tomb of the Savior. For it was at the tomb of the Savior in Jerusalem that the Savior had first celebrated the Last Supper with his apostles, that Last Supper which then, in its further metamorphosis, had become the death on Golgotha, had only been fulfilled through the death on Golgotha, and then lived on in the central ceremony, in the sacrifice of the Mass and in the rest of the ceremonial. And by becoming, as it were, estranged from the actual spiritual because they did not attain esoteric understanding, they clung with their hearts to the cult and to what was outwardly connected with this cult, to the tomb of the Savior, to the place in Jerusalem. The pilgrimage to Jerusalem was, I would say, intended to crown the ceremonial festivities that could be celebrated in those places. All the ceremonies with their rituals that could be celebrated in the individual places were intended to find their culmination for the individual human being in that he, in a sense, penetrated with his heart what he experienced in the image, in the ceremony, by making the pilgrimage himself to the tomb of the Savior.

[ 19 ] What the ancient Egyptians had developed with enormous compulsion, as I have described in my consideration of the mummy, the mummified human being, could still be grasped by individual schools over in Asia, but it was lost to the population. People could not bring themselves to grasp what is the mystery of man and thus the mystery of the divine world.

[ 20 ] The further one advanced in the time of Pope Nicholas I, the more one saw in the East an intimate, heartfelt veneration of the cult and an intimate, heartfelt attachment to the interaction of the cult and everything that could be experienced and felt in the cult, with what was then perceived as the crowning glory of these feelings, as the greatest act of worship, so to speak: the pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre. When one looked eastward from the Rome of the 9th century, from the Rome of Pope Nicholas I, one saw the very thing that Nicholas I and his advisors said was not suitable for the European, the Central European, or the Western European population. The people of Central and Western Europe had too much of the intellect that was rushing forward in human development to be attached to the mere ceremonial, albeit deeply heartfelt, contemplation of the Holy Sepulchre and the pilgrimage to it. The European people had too much of the emerging intellectualism to be able to be fully human in this way. It was seen that this was possible in the East, but it was not expected of the people of Central Europe and the West. On the other hand, the first question mark also appeared. It was seen as an enormous danger if what lay within this current, which had so much of esotericism, so much of what can only really be fully understood through spiritualized ideas, were to come over to Europe. And so I would like to say: When one looked westward from the Rome of Pope Nicholas I, one saw danger; when one looked eastward, one saw danger. looked westward from the Rome of Pope Nicholas I, one saw danger; if one looked eastward, one saw danger. In the east, one saw a current spreading that penetrated deeply into Europe — actually a series of currents — the current of esoteric cult, in contrast to that other esoteric current. Central Europe cannot and must not be seized by either current, said the papal court of Nicholas I. What must be done? The good that the true followers of this esoteric current saw must be brought into dogmatic form. Words and sentences must be found for it; it must be spoken aloud. But people must be protected from being able to see and recognize what is said.

[ 22 ] The belief arose. The idea arose that people must be given, in abstract and dogmatic form, the content they can believe in, without giving them the opportunity to see it. And so this third current arose, which gripped Central and Western Europe both religiously and scientifically, which initially had dogmas for the rushing intellect, but not in such a way that these dogmas were conceptualized visions; rather, this current had dogmas in such a way that they were spoken aloud. What they represented was no longer seen; one was only supposed to believe in them.

[ 23 ] If this esoteric movement, which reached as far as Ireland and faded away in more recent times, had been properly pursued, people would have had to settle within themselves in a union of the soul with the spiritual world. For basically, what lived in this esoteric current was the great question: How does man come to find his way in the etheric world, in the etheric cosmos? For the visions, which also included the mystery of Golgotha in the way I have just characterized it, related to the etheric nature of the cosmos. So that one could say: Here was the great question about the peculiarity of the etheric cosmos. But what related to the etheric cosmos became dogmatic content for the middle stream, for the stream that was predominantly captured in the form of Latin culture until well into the Middle Ages.

[ 24 ] In the West, the question was, unconsciously, about the mystery of the etheric cosmos. In the East, the great question had arisen within humanity: What is the nature of the etheric organization, of the etheric human organism?

[ 25 ] In all the moods and insights of the East that found expression in cult, ceremony, and ritual, the question lived unconsciously: How does the human being cope with his etheric body? — In the southwestern current, the question lived: How does man cope with the etheric cosmos? — In earlier times, man had attained the truths about the supersensible world through dreamlike clairvoyance, as if by itself; he did not need to become conscious of the etheric in the world and in himself. This was the significant thing that the newer times brought forth, that the great question about the content of the etheric came to the fore for human beings — in the West, the question about the etheric cosmos, in the East, the question about their own etheric body.

[ 26 ] The question of the etheric cosmos calls upon human beings to develop their spirituality to the highest degree. They must develop the strongest power of ideas in order to penetrate the mysteries of the cosmos. Yesterday I indicated to you how one first finds them when one considers plant metamorphosis in Goethe's form, but then ascends to that comprehensive metamorphosis which leads from one earthly life to another. But this was considered dangerous in Rome, especially during the time of Pope Nicholas I. What was alive in this current had to be filled in and covered up, so to speak.

[ 27 ] But the other current, the Eastern current, also consisted of an examination of the etheric, only of the etheric of one's own organization, of one's own etheric human body. The physical human body lives with what lives in the outer natural world, with animals, plants, minerals; the physical human body lives with everything that humans fabricate in the form of machines. But if human beings want to live here on earth with their etheric body, they can only do so in an external way, if they live in ceremonies, if they live within ritualism, if they live within events that are not earthly, sensual, or real. In the East, people wanted to live in such events in order to experience the inner peculiarity of their own human etheric organism.

[ 28 ] This was also found unsuitable for Europe in the Rome of the 9th century, in the Rome of Pope Nicholas I. From the West, only that which the intellect brings up to the level of dogma was retained—and then extended further westward, so that this esoteric current was completely obscured—where the supersensible truths are only believed, where they are no longer seen. But even that inner relationship to the cult that had developed in Eastern Europe was not considered suitable for the people of Central and Western Europe, and this gave rise to the modification of the cult that we find in the Roman Catholic Church.

[ 29 ] If you compare the cult as it is in the Eastern, Russian Orthodox Church with the way the cult is lived in the Roman Catholic Church, you will find the following difference: In the Roman Catholic Church, it is more of a symbol to be looked at, while in the East it is more something into which the soul lives with complete fervor. In the West, there has always been a need to move from the cult, which was connected with dogmatic beliefs, back to the dogmas and to illuminate the cult from the dogmas. In the East, the cult worked for itself. And what went to the West was ultimately limited to gradually becoming what was then preserved in an external form in various occult communities, which still exist today and play a major role, but are stripped of all the esotericism of ancient times.

[ 30 ] To inaugurate a cult in Europe that did not interfere with the aesthetic nature of human beings as it did in the East, and to establish a dogma that would spare human beings from having to raise their gaze to the spiritual world, to introduce such a dual current, was the third great question mark facing Nicholas I. And he worked on this. As a result, the Greek-Eastern Church later separated completely from the Roman Catholic Church. The inner reasons for this lie in what I have just explained.

[ 31 ] Everything I have explained to you here was actually still very clearly present at the time of Pope Nicholas I's reign in the middle of the 9th century AD. There were also remnants of esotericism in the West. There were esoteric schools, particularly in Spain, France, and Ireland. There were people who could see into the spiritual worlds and who also had a Christianity that was taught through seeing. Later, all that remained of what had existed as seeing were hints, mysteriously repeated again and again, of glimpses of the Holy Grail or its secular counterpart, the Round Table of King Arthur. But one already had the feeling that there was something there that was connected with seeing supernatural worlds, with experiencing supernatural worlds.

[ 32 ] In Central Europe, and then spreading to places in the West where esotericism still existed, there lived precisely that which resulted from heartfelt, faith-bearing dogma in connection with a world of ceremonies not fully connected with the human etheric body. And in the East there lived what I have characterized. When describing the European soul in the 9th century, one would have to characterize these three different soul moods in all their various forms. Everything else that is recounted in history is only a fleeting external expression of what was at work in the depths in this way.

[ 33 ] But then came later times. Those times came when this esoteric current was, so to speak, followed by what became increasingly externalized in Arabism. One might say that what had been made of Aristotle over in Asia also flowed over here; and in this later afterflow, this esoteric current, which came from a very spiritual conception, became materialized. And we see that, for example, already in the 11th and 12th centuries, esotericism glowed down more and more, melted away, and that precisely this esoteric current took on that materialistic form of thinking which then, in a later metamorphosis, became materialism in natural science; for that actually sprang from Arabism.

[ 34 ] The middle current, the actual creation of Pope Nicholas I, but which had already been nourished by Boniface, which had found essential support in the Merovingians and Carolingians, and which for centuries had been only slightly tinged by what the Grail legend and other sacred legends directed the gaze of the human soul toward the supersensible world, increasingly materialized the cult and dogma. From those purer views that people had in earlier times, for example, of transubstantiation, of the course of the Mass, and so on, there then arose those crude materialistic views that could only lead to disputes about the Lord's Supper. The disputes about the Lord's Supper were proof that it was no longer understood as it was originally conceived. One can only understand it when it is permeated with spiritual knowledge. Thus, this Western, East-South-Western current became materialized, the middle current became materialized, and the Eastern current also became increasingly materialized in an essential way. The wave of materialism rose. But everywhere, humanity rebelled against this wave of materialism in a certain way. And now we move from the 9th century, from the age of Pope Nicholas I, up to the 11th century. We must imagine that the three question marks really stood like three terrible, soul-tormenting forces before a personality such as Pope Nicholas I. For he could not say, as was done later in congresses, where lines were drawn on maps as seemed right from an external point of view, he could not say: I decree that here and here is a border. He could not say that, because souls cannot be demarcated in that way. He could, in a sense, indicate directions and give special strength to the one in the middle. Nicholas I was particularly ingenious in granting special strength to the middle European current. But it was nevertheless the case that, for example, the mood that prevailed in the East extended far into the West, that mood which ignited the inner glow of the human etheric organism in the sacred consecration rites of the cult and which, at the same time, now in a more Western European manner, connected the course of these consecration rites with the center in Jerusalem.

[ 36 ] What still remained of the pilgrim mood from the East in Central Europe and the West, the inclination toward the real center, could be preached by Peter of Amiens at first, and later by Bernard of Clairvaux with a truly dazzling fervor. And what was present in Europe in the form of such a pilgrimage movement was mixed with the current that had remained from the West via the detour through the Grail cult, through the Arthurian legend: what remained as esotericism, I would say, had flowed out, and there was man with this outer form, that man for whom the earth was not really the earth, but a special place in the whole cosmos.

[ 37 ] Something like this actually lived as a view in Western European and Central European chivalry, which then joined the spirit of the Crusades. And only as a faint undertone, which, however, became stronger and stronger as the Crusades continued, did what Nicholas I had established as the true European spirit of civilization in religion and knowledge mix in. That is why the Crusades seem to us to be something that cannot really be fully understood from later circumstances. For the middle current then spread. Alongside this, the Eastern European current remained, which within Europe is regarded as a backward religious current. The Western European current transformed into the tendrils of the occult and esoteric, into all kinds of occult societies, Masonic orders, and so on. The middle current finally took hold in science in scholasticism and in the newer natural sciences.

[ 38 ] Those who see only what has become of it in more recent times cannot understand the spirit of the Crusades. The spirit of the Crusades can only be understood by those who can grasp what lived on from the 4th and 5th centuries AD until the 12th and 13th centuries, and what Pope Nicholas I felt so strongly in the 9th century: the question: How can one connect what exists in the outer world in terms of events in which human beings themselves intervene, and of which cultic acts are the most excellent examples, with the living stream of spiritual life, the life of spiritual beings? One might say that for Europeans, it began in the 9th, 10th, and 11th centuries: just as the realities of worship had to be abandoned on the one hand, the realities of spiritual vision had to be abandoned on the other. While the realities of cult disappeared into the vagueness of Asia and, with the Turkish conquest, covered the holy place to which these cult acts were supposed to connect for Christians, the discovery of America caused the esoteric secrets of Western currents to fall into the Atlantic Ocean, if I may express myself figuratively. The mood that arose as a reaction was: How can one fulfill what must be there, the sacred rites and their center, the place in Jerusalem, how can one fill it with spiritual life?

[ 39 ] Anyone who reads the speeches of Bernard of Clairvaux can still feel today how his fervent attachment to the cult, to the external and sensual in which esotericism lives, speaks from him, and how, on the other hand, his heart is inflamed by what once lived in that esoteric mood of the West. In the sermons and speeches of Bernard of Clairvaux, even if he does not say it explicitly, but by hinting at it in a grandiose artistic manner, we hear what the ethereal cosmos wants to reveal to human beings and can no longer reveal, and at the same time what wants to work from the earth in the human ethereal organism. This drives people to Asia to search for what they lost in the West. Esotericism was nevertheless the driving impulse. People wanted to see what they had lost in the West by reconnecting with the tomb of the Savior. The tragedy of the following period consists in the fact that people did not understand this, that they could not listen, for example, to something like what became the Rosicrucian mood — I mean in its true form — which, however, did not want to seek Christ in spiritual heights, but at the physical tomb. But now the time has come when humanity must understand that, just as it was said to the personalities who came to the tomb after the death of the Savior, “He whom you seek is not here; seek him elsewhere,” so too was it said to the Crusaders, “He whom you seek is not here; seek him elsewhere.” Today is the time when we must search elsewhere for the one who is no longer here, when we must search for him through a new opening up of the spiritual worlds.

[ 40 ] This is the task facing human beings today; this is what I wanted to say, in a sense, following on from the reflections that have been made here over the last few days. And on this occasion, I would not want to fail to tell you, following what I have now attempted, albeit in a very sketchy way, to extract from anthroposophical esotericism, that the feeling of the tremendous significance of the present historical moment, of the significance of seeking the spiritual worlds, really does live in the souls of those who count themselves members of the Anthroposophical Society and want to profess anthroposophy. there is a feeling for the tremendous significance of the present historical moment, for the significance of seeking the spiritual worlds. And so, following on from the incisive observations I have just made, I would like to say today: Let us try within the individual circles of the Anthroposophical Society to become aware of the seriousness of the present historical moment and to ask ourselves and the circumstances whether it might not be possible to galvanize this Anthroposophical Society in a certain sense, so that it might emerge from a certain sleepy state and awaken to a real life. We need this today, when individual meaningful things are to emerge from the Anthroposophical Society in the most diverse areas of scientific and practical life. We need this today so that the Anthroposophical Society may have souls in the widest sense, souls that are alive and fired by an insight into the importance of the historical moment.

[ 41 ] If at all possible, ask yourselves and ask others whether it might not be possible in the near future to galvanize the old Anthroposophical Society once again and breathe life into it from the lives of its individual souls. It would be necessary! Becoming skilled is also a possibility! But the human souls who want to ignite their lives with insight into this important historical moment must find themselves on our soil. Do for the anthroposophical movement what has been more or less forgotten by many in recent times.