The Rudolf Steiner Archive

The whole world is under the impression of Kaiser Wilhelm's passing. It almost seems as if the whole of non-German politics is celebrating until the glorious prince is led to his grave. Even in the Orient, there is no movement on the Bulgarian question; Sofia has wisely given no reply to the Grand Vizier's telegram and, determined to maintain its present position, is awaiting further action by Russia or Turkey. Prince Ferdinand apparently feels completely secure on his throne and can count on the devotion of his people. After the failure of the Ghika project, the Romanian ministerial crisis found its simplest and best solution in the reappointment of Bratianu. In the Italian parliament, Crispi answered an interpellation from the radical side concerning the attitude of the kingdom to the Bulgarian question by saying that Italy, if it did not want to deny its own history, could never allow a people striving for freedom and independence like the Bulgarians to be oppressed by foreign despotism. In France, the latest Boulanger hype - individual districts wanted to elect the radical "savior of democracy" as a deputy - has fizzled out like all previous demonstrations that had Boulanger as their focal point. In Russia, the devaluation of public values and the armament for war continued; there was already half-loud talk of the imminent outbreak of state bankruptcy. The Austrian House of Representatives discussed the Catechist Law, but the general interest throughout Austria, as in the other states, is only focused on the events in Berlin. To squeeze them into the space of a short weekly review is simply impossible and could only detract from the force and solemnity of it. We must therefore refrain from doing so. Only one thing may be mentioned in particular, namely that the serious bereavement affecting Germany has given renewed cause to emphasize the solidarity between the allied Central European empires. This found particular expression in a brief exchange of dispatches between Prince Bismarck and Count Kalnoky. What else can we say? Emperor Wilhelm has died! His great son succeeded him under the name of Frederick IIIL! He has issued a proclamation to his people and at the same time a letter to the Imperial Chancellor containing the principles which the new Emperor and King has laid down for his government policy. These two mighty documents, which form an everlasting monument to history, must not be missing from any journal that wants to serve the German people. And that is why we are publishing them in full, even though our readers are undoubtedly already familiar with them. Such words should be preserved and cherished and read again and again in every German home. They read:

To my people!

The emperor departed from his glorious life. In the much-loved father, whom I mourn, and for whom My royal house mourns with Me in deepest sorrow, Prussia's loyal people lost its glorious king, the German nation the founder of its unification, the resurrected empire the first German emperor! His noble name will remain inseparably linked with all the greatness of the German fatherland, in whose new foundation the enduring labor of Prussia's people and princes has found its finest reward. By raising the Prussian army to the height of its serious profession with never-tiring patriotic care, King Wilhelm laid the sure foundation for the victories of German arms won under his leadership, from which national unification emerged; he thereby secured a position of power for the empire that every German heart had longed for until then, but had hardly dared to hope for.

And what he had won for his people in a fierce, sacrificial struggle, he was destined to consolidate and beneficially promote through the long peace work of arduous years of rule. Resting securely in its own strength, Germany stands respected in the council of nations and desires only to rejoice in the peaceful development of what it has won. That this is so, we owe to Kaiser Wilhelm, his unwavering loyalty to duty, his unceasing activity dedicated solely to the good of the Fatherland, supported by the unwavering devotion to sacrifice demonstrated by the Prussian people and shared by all German tribes. All rights and duties associated with the crown of My House have now passed to Me, and which I am determined to faithfully exercise in the time that may be granted to My government according to God's will.

Pervaded by the greatness of My task, it will be My whole endeavor to continue the work in the sense in which it was founded, to make Germany a haven of peace and to cultivate the welfare of the German land in agreement with the allied governments, as well as with the constitutional organs of the Empire such as Prussia.

I place my unreserved trust in my loyal people, who have stood by my house through centuries of history in both good and difficult times, because I am convinced that on the basis of the inseparable connection between prince and people, which is which, regardless of any change in the life of the state, forms the imperishable heritage of the Hohenzollern dynasty, My crown will always rest just as securely as the prosperity of the country to whose government I am now called, and to which I vow to be a just and, in joy and sorrow, a faithful king.

May God give me his blessing and strength for this work, to which my life is henceforth consecrated.

Berlin, March 12, 1888 Frederick III

My dear Prince!

At the start of My government, I feel the need to address you, the longstanding, much-tried first servant of My Lord Father, who rests in God. You have been the faithful and courageous advisor who has given form to the goals of his policies and ensured their successful implementation. I am, and My House remains, deeply indebted to you. You therefore have a right to know, above all, what are the points of view which should determine the attitude of My Government.

The constitutional and legal systems of the Empire and Prussia must above all be consolidated in the reverence and customs of the nation. The upheavals caused by frequent changes in state institutions and laws must therefore be avoided as far as possible. The promotion of the tasks of the imperial government must leave untouched the best foundations on which the Prussian state has hitherto rested securely. In the Empire, the constitutional rights of all allied governments are to be respected as conscientiously as those of the Imperial Diet; but equal respect for the rights of the Emperor is to be obtained from both. It must be borne in mind that these reciprocal rights are to serve only to elevate the public welfare, which remains the supreme law, and that newly emerging, undoubted national needs must always be fully satisfied. I see the necessary and surest guarantee for the undisturbed promotion of these tasks in the undiminished preservation of the country's military strength, My tried and tested army and the flourishing navy, to which serious obligations have arisen through the acquisition of overseas possessions. Both must be maintained at all times at the level of training and the perfection of the organization which has established their fame and which ensures their continued efficiency.

I am determined to lead the government in the Empire and in Prussia in conscientious observance of the provisions of the Imperial and State Constitutions. These were founded by My ancestors on the throne in wise recognition of the unavoidable needs and difficult tasks to be solved in social and state life and must be respected on all sides in order to be able to exert their power and beneficial effectiveness.

I want the principle of religious toleration, which has been held sacred in My House for centuries, to continue to be a protection for all My subjects, whatever religious community and creed they belong to. Each one of them is equally close to My heart. After all, all of them have equally proven their full devotion in the days of danger.

In accordance with the views of My Imperial Father, I will warmly support all endeavors that are likely to raise the economic prosperity of the various classes of society, to reconcile their conflicting interests and to mitigate unavoidable grievances to the best of my ability, without creating the expectation that it is possible to put an end to all the ills of society through the intervention of the state.

I consider the care given to the education of young people to be closely linked to social issues. If, on the one hand, higher education must be made accessible to ever wider circles, then it must be avoided that serious dangers are created by half-education, that life demands are awakened which the economic forces of the nation cannot satisfy, or that the educational task remains unconsidered through the one-sided pursuit of increased knowledge. Only a generation growing up on the sound foundation of the fear of God in simple morals will possess sufficient power of resistance to overcome the dangers which, in a time of rapid economic movement, arise for the whole through the examples of highly exalted lifestyles of individuals.

It is My will that no opportunity be missed to influence the public service to counter the temptation to disproportionate expenditure. Every proposal for financial reform is assured of My unprejudiced consideration in advance, unless the time-honored thriftiness of Prussia allows the imposition of new burdens to be avoided and previous requirements to be eased.

I consider the self-government granted to larger and smaller associations in the state to be beneficial; on the other hand, I put it to the test whether the right of tax imposition granted to these associations, which is exercised by them without regard to the burden emanating simultaneously from the realm and the state, may not disproportionately burden the individual. In the same way, it will have to be considered whether a simplifying change in the structure of the authorities would not appear permissible, in which the reduction in the number of employees would make it possible to increase their salaries.

If we succeed in maintaining the foundations of state and social life, it will give me particular satisfaction to see the blossoming of German art and science, which is so abundant, develop to its full potential. For the realization of these intentions of mine, I am counting on your devotion, which you have so often demonstrated, and on the support of your proven experience.

May it be granted to me to lead Germany and Prussia to new honors in peaceful development with the unanimous cooperation of the imperial organs, the dedicated activity of the people's representatives and all authorities and through the trusting cooperation of all classes of the population.

Unconcerned about the splendor of glorious deeds, I will be satisfied if one day it can be said of my government that it has been benevolent to my people, useful to my country and a blessing to the empire.

Berlin, March 12, 1888

Your well-wishing Frederick III

With the intention of continuing the "Magazin" in the spirit indicated by the outgoing editor in the above words of farewell, we are taking over the management of the magazine. We wish to offer the readers of the "Magazin" a picture of contemporary intellectual life in the broadest sense of the word. All significant phenomena in the fields of literature, art, science and social life will find their illumination in this journal. Contributions from poets and writers will reflect the artistic life of the present day.

Without favoring one-sided currents, we would like to serve the progressive development. We will always keep our columns open to new directions and aspirations. Dilettantism will never find a place in "Magazin"; but we will always endeavor to show full understanding for individual expressions if they are based on solid foundations.

We intend to run the magazine in the spirit of the living present, but no less in the spirit of genuine art and science. We would like to provide an organ for honest artistic creation and free, unreserved judgment.

We believe that the ground for our endeavors has been prepared in the best possible way by the excellent work of the previous editor and his staff. It is our fervent wish that the excellent relationship he has with his staff and readers will also be passed on to us. The "Magazin" was already a valuable magazine for us, as we were only friends and attentive readers. We now approach our task with all the more enthusiasm and good will, and with the best hopes for the future. The fact that the outgoing editor will continue to be a dear guest is a source of great pleasure to us and will also be welcomed with particular gratitude by our readers.

Our publisher, Mr. Erzil Felber, has been close to the one editor (Steiner) for years, both in business and as a friend. His excellent publishing work to date is particularly suitable for arousing the best expectations for the future of the paper.

Rudolf Steiner
Otto Erich Hartleben

Dr. Kurella has just obtained a book entitled "Socialism in England, described by English Socialists, edited by Sidney Webb". This book will be of great use to anyone who wants to understand socialism in the characteristic forms it takes in England. Important contemporary issues, for example unemployment, are discussed in the book by thorough experts. The writers William Morris, Robert Blatchford, John Burns and others have contributed. A wealth of stimulating material is considered from fruitful points of view.

The University of Berlin will follow the example set by the universities in Jena, Leipzig, Munich and Vienna and also set up popular university courses. Professors Diels, Ortmann, Schmoller, Waldeyer and Witt are said to have made a special contribution to the realization of this undertaking, which will be launched next autumn.

Much has been said about courses of this kind. In a widely read weekly newspaper, one could hear the voices of all those whom a nimble journalistic mind considers authorities in the field of university and popular education. One should actually believe that there is no need to talk so much about this latest institution. If it is implemented well, it will certainly have a beneficial effect. But putting it into practice well means, among other things, not overlooking one requirement. The teachers who take on such university courses must not in any way accommodate the desire of our time for the trivialization of knowledge. The audience must be raised to the heights of science, not lowered to the tone that is unfortunately demanded today in popular scientific lectures and journals. If the university kutse can be used to counteract the malaise of popular trends in science, then we will be able to rejoice in it. I believe that this cannot be too difficult. For those who get to know the true nature of the scientific enterprise must lose their taste for the trivial. Courses can do a great deal to increase respect for science. If, at the beginning, the "people's" mind, which has been thoroughly corrupted by our popular magazines, shows little interest in the undertaking, there is no need to be put off by this.

Eduard Simson has died. It is not only those circles involved in the political development of Germany who are thinking of the deceased, but also those within the literary movements. Simson was one of the few of our contemporaries who still met Goethe in person. He had been recommended to Goethe by Goethe's Berlin musical friend Zelter and counted among his personal memories the strong impression of which all those who have experienced this impression know how to report. It was probably with this in mind that the German "Goethe Society" elected Simson as its first chairman when it was founded. He remained so until his death. Only those who have the necessary understanding of Germany's political development will be able to properly assess the actual effectiveness of this man. He was, after all, far removed from literary life, apart from his stated personal relationship with Goethe.

On Tuesday, January 17, 1900, the Leipzig Professor of History Karl Lamprecht gave a lecture at the Berlin Fleet Association on the necessity of training the German fleet. This is not the place to go into the pros and cons of this question, but it seems appropriate to mention the event in general in a few words. Lamprecht is regarded by many as the founder of a new view of history. He emphasizes the economic and material conditions of historical development more than other historians do. In his lecture, he also gave an overview of the economic foundations of German development over the last thousand years. He considered the intellectual development on this basis. He ignored the question of the connection between spiritual and material culture. This is characteristic of his and his followers' whole approach. They contrast the former view of history, which looked at the development of ideas, with another, that of the development of economic factors. Their view has thus become much more sober. And under such a view, history must forfeit something that Goethe regarded as essential, that it had an effect on enthusiasm. That is what must be pointed out in a literary journal. Lamprecht's lecture was sober, dry, cold. Does it have to be like that when talking about an important contemporary issue?

Thoughts on the Threshold of the Century

In view of all this, I have no doubt that Nietzsche would also have categorized Ernst Ziel as an "educational philosopher". For there are no shattering opinions in the booklet, no opinions that can be seen as a remedy on a grand scale against ingrained prejudices. But if one claims this, one must not overlook the fact that Nietzsche coined the term "Bildungsphilister" with regard to David Friedrich Strauss. If only we had so many "Bildungsphilister" of this kind! And if only those who are had the courage and seriousness of purpose under all circumstances. How many people today think: "The planks with which the reason of the upper classes in Germany is nailed up today are called national arrogance and royal Prussian subservience. And the nails? Bureaucratism, dogmatism, militarism and a few other '-isms'." How some people feel: "When the lieutenant speaks his proudest word, he says with emphasis: "I serve!" Can one think more servile? Even Byzantium would have spit him out with nausea. But today's Germany does not find him hard to stomach - not at all - quite the opposite!" But how many speak freely and openly. Here is one. How many will find themselves portrayed in the booklet? Knock on your chest, the ones it hits you. There are many of you. Listen: "A literary editor of the very latest caliber must have all literary chicanery, literary slogans and literary practices - God how many! - on a string - he doesn't need to know anything about literature." Or: "The number of German princes has become considerably smaller since 1866 - namely on the thrones. - In many an illustrated press organ, on the other hand, it has grown considerably. Today the young Prince of Reuss and his "high bride, the very young Princess of Meiningen, in the picture, tomorrow that of Lippe and that of Waldeck or even all four lovely Highnesses in one number - interesting! gelt? Our most submissive editors know exactly which way the wind is blowing in these imperialist times and how they have to bag the subscribers, especially their subscribers..." "Wind blows!" and "bagging" is well said! These gentlemen editors have become pure greyhounds.

The deputization that Emperor Frederick entrusted to his son, Crown Prince Wilhelm, was by no means complete and, as expressly emphasized, only served to introduce the heir to the throne to the affairs of government, while the Emperor reserved all important decisions for himself. In fact, although there is still conflicting news about his health, Emperor Frederick attends the Council of Ministers, frequently receives the Imperial Chancellor and works continuously with the civil and military cabinet. There has been no change in German policy, and if Russian newspapers are under the delusion that the German Empire under the present Emperor will distance itself more from Austria-Hungary and lean towards Russia again, they only prove that they have not really realized the true nature and significance of the German-Austrian Confederation. In the meantime, the special envoys of the new German Emperor, who have notified the various heads of state of his accession to the throne, have arrived at their destinations and in some cases have already discharged their duties. The Austrian House of Representatives used the last sessions before the Easter vacations for a major debate on the report of the National Debt Commission, which was only presented to the House a year and a half after its completion. This Commission, in which there was a sharp division between the members of the right and left at the time, found it compatible with its dignity to pass a double, directly contradictory resolution. The original vote of censure against the government was later suppressed. The Hungarian Ministers Tisza and Fejervary arrived in Vienna and during a short stay took part in some deliberations of the joint Council of Ministers under the chairmanship of the Emperor, in which the possible proposals for the delegations are to be discussed. However, no further and more specific information was forthcoming. In the past week, the imperial capital of Vienna also turned its attention primarily to the supplementary elections for the municipal council; in the second electoral body, the anti-Semitic candidates won in several districts with a very lively electoral movement, while in the first electoral body the candidates of the liberal electoral committee prevailed everywhere.

In France, the week once again belonged to General Boulanger. His supporters put him up for the chamber in various new elections, and he did indeed receive many thousands of votes. He should emerge victorious from a run-off election in Laon, and the military commission of inquiry, which had to judge his numerous breaches of discipline, made it possible for him to take his eventual seat with great speed by removing him from his position and retiring him with punishment. In Marseille, the old communist Felix Pyat was elected.

The Oriental question, the outward manifestation of which is still the Bulgarian question, has not taken any step forward. Stambulov has now finally refrained from replying to the Grand Vizier's note, and Bulgaria is still completely calm. Of course, the government remains carefully on its guard, as Russia's complete silence is interpreted in informed circles as if it were secretly preparing a sudden strike. Duchess Clementine, the mother of Prince Ferdinand, has left Bulgaria after a stay of several months and has gone to Cannes via Munich and Paris. From there, it is said, she intends to return to her son in Sofia after a few weeks.

Very unpleasant things have happened in Bucharest in the meantime. The ultra-conservative opposition to Bratianu, led by the deputy Catargin, invaded the royal palace with a mob and demanded a stormy audience with the king, who had just returned to his capital with his wife from the funeral celebrations in Berlin and a two-day visit to Vienna. The police had to be called in to remove the noisemakers from the palace. The next day, the opponents advanced against the chamber; blood was shed and the government felt compelled to call in the military, which drove out the rioters. The outcome of these repeated riots cannot yet be foreseen. However, the better elements of Romania, including the capital, seem to be loyal to Bratianu.

The statesmen on the Seine and their eastern stepbrothers on the Dimbowitza have brought us a political Easter. On both sides, stormy scenes in the popular representation, the fall of the government and the formation of new ministries. The Tirard Ministry, the first to be appointed by the new President Carnot, was overthrown after some three or four months of activity, which can by no means be called an insignificant one - since it included the military reprimand of the indisciplined General Boulanger - because it had, it may be said, insisted for no real reason on not allowing the question of a possible revision of the Constitution to be discussed. The French Constitution, which at the time was adopted by the tiniest majority of one vote, is in fact in need of revision in more than one respect; such a revision, carried out with statesmanlike moderation, in no way threatens the peace and order to which the so-called opportunists under Ferry and the honest republicans under Brisson seem to have given themselves over. The right and the radicals united against Tirard, who, glad to be free of the burden, immediately submitted his resignation to the President. Carnot appointed the only man in the situation, Floquet, the President of the Chamber, who is also considered the leader of the moderate radicals, for whom he is roughly what Gambetta was to the opportunists at the time. With remarkable rapidity, Floquet formed a purely radical cabinet, in which Mr. de Freycinet holds the war portfolio, and the clever Goblet, himself once Prime Minister, the foreign portfolio. The appointment of a civilian to the Ministry of War was a bold and radical gamble on Floquet's part, who himself took over the interior; the future will tell whether it succeeds; there is good reason to doubt it. Floquet then developed his program in the chamber, which can be called a moderately radical one, to the silence of the right-wingers and opportunists and to the sometimes overloud applause of the left. It will be time to examine it more closely if the Prime Minister has time to put it into practice. The fact that Clemenceau received the most votes in the first election of the President of the Chamber seems to indicate that after a Floquet ministry, a Clemenceau cabinet is still possible after a few changes; one is only somewhat in doubt as to whether we already have the grand ministere radical before us, or whether this will only be brought to us by the Doctor of Montmartre, who has some relations with Vienna.

In Bucharest, things were no less stormy than in Paris. Bratianu, initially in the favor of the vast majority of the people as well as the king, and thus seemingly completely certain to remain prime minister, has now finally withdrawn and made way for a ministry of young conservatives, who also call themselves Juneists. Although the King entrusted the formation of the cabinet and the presidency to Rosetti, the former Romanian envoy in Vienna, Carp, who was given the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, is generally regarded as the soul of the cabinet. Although it is generally assured that Romania under King Carol will never depart in its external policy from that of the Central European imperial powers, the recent disturbances in Bucharest, in which the evil Russian influence is quite transparent, have brought so many surprises that it is dangerous to express any firm opinion as to the probable development of affairs in Romania. If, as is feared in some quarters, a revolutionary movement should break out against the Hohenzollern kingdom as a result of Russian influence, it would probably have to be regarded as the first and most serious harbinger of a great war.

In the meantime, our economic and financial circles have not allowed themselves to be depressed by these political worries; they are relying on the era of peace under Emperor Frederick III. The latest news about the condition of the dear sick man is very contradictory; while his two visits to Berlin are mostly interpreted optimistically, unfortunately very serious reports are again coming from generally well-informed sources. The King has issued an amnesty for the Prussian people at Easter, which, although considerably extended, does not include the much hoped-for application to all those punished under the Socialist Law. On r. April, the German Chancellor Prince Bismarck celebrated his birthday; at the dinner he gave, Crown Prince Wilhelm offered him his toast as the standard bearer of the Reich. Rudolf von Bennigsen, the leader of the National Liberals, received a high distinction by being awarded the Order of the Red Eagle, first class, which, like the deserving recipient, particularly honors the party he leads and must be regarded as a remarkable manifestation of the Emperor.

The initiated negotiations on a settlement between Russia and the Curia continue. - In Denmark the parliament has adjourned; in Serbia the new radical Skupchina has begun its activities.

The Bismarck crisis, which is mentioned in our editorial, seems to have been resolved favorably according to the latest dispatches from Berlin. This happy outcome to the crisis would allow Germany and its friends to breathe a sigh of relief.

The Empress Victoria has traveled to the flooded areas of Posen. This trip is seen as an act of high statesmanship and great natural goodness. Prince Bismarck will leave Berlin one of the very next days and go to Varzin. It is assumed that the Prince intends to stay in Varzin for some time.

The Austrian House of Representatives convened again on May 10th. It has an extensive work program, almost too large for the time allotted to its activities. The general debate on the budget should begin on Thursday. As the delegations are due to meet immediately after Whitsun, the session of the House of Representatives must close no later than the Friday before the Whitsun holidays, i.e. on May 18. There are therefore only 30 sitting days available in total. And in this short period of time, the Spirit Tax Act, the Lloyd Treaty, the first reading of the school proposals, the bills on the lawyers' tariff, the Trademark Protection Act, the warehouses, etc. must be dealt with. It seems likely that a post-session or the postponement of one or other matter will prove necessary. The Poles, who are still in opposition to the alcohol issue, are said to have negotiated with the Left on this matter recently, but without result. The Left is said to have decided to vote against the alcohol tax law for political reasons. At Tuesday's session of the House of Representatives, the thanks of the German Reichstag for the participation expressed on the occasion of the death of Emperor Wilhelm were first communicated to it by the Prime Minister, Count Taaffe, and it has not gone unnoticed that these thanks commemorate with particular warmth the friendly relations existing with the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The wording of the note in question is as follows:

"The undersigned Imperial German Ambassador has the honor, on behalf of His Excellency His Excellency's Government, to convey to the Imperial-Royal Minister of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy the following message. Austrian Minister of the Imperial Household and Foreign Affairs, Count Kalnoky de Köröspatak, to inform the Presidents of the Austrian House of Lords and the House of Representatives, as well as the Hungarian Upper and Lower Houses, that the German Reichstag, in its session of March 19, this year. the unanimous decision to express that the signs of special reverence for our exalted monarch, who was recalled from this temporality, and the warm participation in the mourning of the entire German people, which these representative bodies have expressed in such an eloquent manner, have evoked the deepest emotion and warmest gratitude throughout Germany. This attitude of the Austrian parliaments is an uplifting manifestation of the friendly relations that exist between the two peoples."

In France, the slippery slope of radicalism is rapidly descending. The Boulangian high tide is making rapid progress; Boulanger is winning on all lines. In the department of Dordogne, where he refused to run, he was elected as a deputy with 59,500 votes out of 100,000 cast. The opportunist Clerjonie remained in the minority with 35,700 votes. The opportunists are inconsolable about their new defeat. The Floquet ministry is now up in the air. The current ministry will develop into the radical republic, which poses a major threat to the very existence of the republic.

In the Bulgarian affair, pretty much everything has remained the same. Russia is still inexhaustible in its assurances of peace. It would undertake not to use force against Bulgaria, neither to send officers to train the Bulgarian army, nor to appoint a general as Minister of War, nor to send a commissioner. Russia would calmly await the development of events. In the meantime, however, Russia's rummaging in Bulgaria continued apace. The * Porte assured the Bulgarian delegate that a customs treaty would be concluded by ı. May. The trial of the Popov-Bonev and comrades affair begins on Wednesday under the presidency of Colonel Nikolayev. The government declares that it wants to give the military court complete free rein and stay away from this affair so as not to give rise to suspicions and political machinations. The famous Turkish military cordon was withdrawn from the eastern Rumelian border.

The fact that things have still not calmed down in Romania is also the fault of holy Russia. The Russian Action Party has instigated a peasant movement in Romania. The peasants of various villages revolted, threatened or mistreated the landlords and tenants and demanded the abolition of agrarian contracts, such as the allocation of arable land. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Carp, developed his program in the Chamber. The King had chosen the ministers because they were neutral and stood between the parties. They will also always remain impartial. With regard to foreign policy, the Minister said that it was a legend to claim that the Ministers were pursuing German policy. As far as internal politics were concerned, the Minister explained that it was impossible to take action during the current turmoil. It was necessary to wait until tempers had calmed down and then the government would dissolve the chambers. - It is believed that parliament will be dissolved in the first half of September.